Chapter 2 The Oka Man or the Making of a People

Amu kene vbe nna.

(Let the free born thank his ancestors).
- Oka title name

Oka was an amalgam of people. They came from different places, at different times, and became welded into one people. How long the welding process took, how many centuries it spanned, is left to future researchers to unravel. But the product was real enough – the Oka man of today.

“Nwa Oka” (Nwoka), son or daughter of Oka, was governed by definite rules of conduct from his cradle to his grave. The discipline infused by those rules of conduct, or laws, produced the homogeneity which others saw, and admired in the Oka people.

Those rules of conduct were definite, detailed, and covered by aspect of an Oka man’s life; so that, by their existence, they attested to the antiquity of Oka town-for they must have taken centuries of usage, and of trial and error, before they could have become so generally accepted, and enforced, as law, among the people. The Oka man was a creature of his laws.

From the time he was in his mother’s womb up till he was dead and put in the ground, he was subject to rules – clear-cut and unequivocal. His whole social life, his whole economic activity, his participation in the politics of his town, his religion, had all their own sets of rules, which he must observe. It was this fact of personal discipline and orderliness, more than anything else that made the Oka man somewhat different from people of other culture in Igbo land. Every detail of his life was governed rules of conduct dictated by his laws and sanctioned by his religion.

Pregnancy: when a pregnant Oka wife was eight months gone, she began to make ready for the birth of her child.

As soon as she entered her ninth month the first sacrifice was made for her in Obu (the ancestral Hall) of the husband, to facilitate easy birth. The sacrifice consisted of a fowl, some yams, and palm wine; and the family members (the Umunna) were present. Before the sacrifice was made, the closest relation of the husband (not the husband himself) took the woman aside, and said to her “We are about to make sacrifice to the gods for the well-being of yourself and your unborn child: ‘Iji ivbi?’”, meaning, do you have any act of adultery to confess? If she said no, the sacrifice proceeded; but if she said yes, then she named the person with whom she has had extra-marital intercourse. The sacrifice was postponed, and a day was fixed for the ceremony of cleansing. A message was sent to the man named, and his family, and the cost of reparation named. The cost of reparation, or atonement, depended on the relationship between the two families, that is, what one family had demanded from the other family in similar circumstances in the past. Some demanded a some of money, but generally the production of a chick for the cleansing ceremony was considered adequate. Whatever it was, however, it must come from the man named.

On the day of the cleansing, a palm frond was attached to the leg of the chick and after a religious ceremony; it was taken outside the compound and killed, and thrown away. Evil had been cleansed! The postponed sacrifice then took place; and the woman was ready for confinement, and could be delivered of her baby safely.

A woman who committed adultery and refused to confess was believed to have very difficult labour, and could die in it.

The shame of confession was believed to keep a woman on the straight and narrow path!

When the woman felt her labour coming the midwife was called in. other women went out to help. In ancient days there were no maternities where women went to be delivered. The midwives came to them, and the delivery took place behind the woman’s house. The back of a woman’s house was known as “mgbuluno”.

The child was taken to it’s mother’s ogbolodo – it’s mother’s house –not yet to the Obu – the father’s ancestral Hall; and if it’s mother had no house of her own yet, then to the father’s mother’s ogbolodo.

In those days men and women did not live in the same house, much less in the same room! Men and their Obu, where they stayed in the daytime, and received visitors; and an uno-nga where they retired at night (their private house which was also called “ovbe”). Wives had each their own house, called ogbolodo or unokwu (or in general Igbo language, mkpuke). A wife went to the husband’s house when invited.

The woman lay with her child on mgbo-wooden bed made of iroko planks without any covering on it; the child was placed on some cloth beside the mother, or, where there was no cloth, on some plantain leaves used as a mat.

8th Day: (Izu n ‘abo): On the 8th day after birth, after the umbilical cord had fallen, the Oka child was circumcised. In the male it consisted of removing the foreskin of the penis; in the female of removing the clitoris, called “mgbama” (the betrayer). The purpose of female circumcision was to make a girl less libidinous, and, therefore, harder to be deceived by men when grown up, and, therefore, a more independent person.

12th Day: (Izu n’nato nnwa): “Ummune –ime-uno”, the inner family,(not yet the extended family ) were invited. Palm wine and a quantity of foofoo were provided in the Obu. This was to celebrate the survival of the child for three native weeks. Prayers were said. The mother and the child did not appear.

28th Day: (Izu Asa: Naming the Child): (The extended family (Umunna, properly so called) were invited. Members of the village were also invited. The in-laws, that is, the family of the child’s mother, were invited; so were the father’s mother’s people’ and friends. Every one was well entertained with food and drinks.

What happened:
(1) The hair with which the child was born was shaved of. This hair was called “abannya”. The abannya was thrown into the avbajioku – which was a small round fence in the compound made by a male who had taken Chi title. (The umbilical cord had previously dropped on the 5th day, or before, or a little later, that is, between 4 to 6 days. The dropped cord was taken to any land of the child’s father, and put in the “ibana nkwu”, that is, between the palm branch and the trunk of a palm tree where the palm branch starts growing out. The palm tree was usually a young palm. The palm tree was thenceforth called “Nkwu Ana” of that child and remained the child’s property absolutely all its life.

The child owned the palm tree, not the land, (for the land might be communal to the whole family).

(2) The child was given a name. The mother was called to bring the child to the Obu. The Head of the family (the “Head” of a family in Oka was always the oldest male member of that family) received the child outside and took it in his arms round the Obu house once, and then brought it in.

Previously the Head of the family has ascertained from the father of the child what name he would give the child. He then said: “Our child, your name is Nwudealo” (or a girl’s name if a girl). He blessed the child and gave him a gift, and handed it back to the mother. The Head of the family could give a name of his own too to the child; the mother could give a name; and her family could also give a name. They said to the child, now in its mother’s arms: “Abuom ghu Nebuwa” (I give you the name Nebuwa), and so on. Each naming was followed by a gift. All these named belonged to the child, and it was thereafter known by whichever was the most popular. All those present gave gifts to the child, no matter how small; - this was known as “mkpo iru oma n “uwa”- starting the child off well on its earthly journey, with joyous gifts.

Before this ceremony, the child could not be taken into the Obu, but after it, it could be taken there any time. For a boy this was his first visit to the Obu which, if he was the first-born, he would later inherit.

On Cutting teeth: The teeth on the lower jaw must come out first. If the teeth of the upper jaw first appeared the child had done an unnatural act, and it was given away to the Nris, or just done away with. This was the second law the child must not transgress. The first law was that it must not come out of the womb feet first; if that happened it was killed. Variation from the known was heavily penalized! Mother tried to help their children by rubbing their lower gums to make the appearance of the lower teeth easier.

As soon as the child cut its teeth that is as soon as a lower tooth appeared, a small ceremony was performed for it. Those who first witnessed the appearance of the tooth rejoiced with the child by giving it gifts. This was the meaning of the saying “Anara agba aka aghu nwata eze “(you don’t examine the child’s jaw to see if a tooth had appeared for nothing). The child was now reckoned as a person – as an Oka person. Until the tooth appeared the child had no such status.

If a child died after cutting its teeth, funeral ceremonies were performed for it. Otherwise, not. In the evening of the day of the burial the young men of the village went to dance in his honour, if male. But if female, the following morning, the daughter of the village went to dance a kind of dance called “Egwu Aka” (hand- clapping- dance). No instruments were used. In the night they danced the “Egwu-Udu” dance, in which musical instrument made of earthen pots were used. They danced till cock-crow. And that ended the funeral ceremonies for the child.

If a child had not cut teeth, none of this was done. As soon as the corpse of such a child was burial, everyone dispersed –it was held that he was not yet an Oka man: “Oka aburo mmadi” – he is not yet one of us.

Ishi nwa Oka: Every child that had cut its teeth was reckoned as an Oka man, or woman; and every Oka man must be accounted for.

There was a saying,”ishi nwa oka anara ato na mba “meaning, no Oka man or woman must be allowed to perish in a foreign land, unavenged. And so, if an Oka woman was married away from home and died, the Oka people must go and bring home the corpse; and bury it in Oka if a man on journey died abroad, those who were near him must arrange to convey the corpse home to Oka. If for some reason, that was impossible, then the corpse was buried in the foreign land, but those doing the burial must touch the body with Omu (palm-frond) and bring home the Omu. The entered Oka at night, and hid some where till cock- crow. As soon as it was cock-crow they crept quietly into the person’s compound, or if the gate was locked, they used every pretext to gain entrance, and then they fired a gun in the air within the compound, and shouted out the name of the deceased. This was called “mghasu ozu“(announcing a death).There was general wailing.

At day break, funeral ceremonies began, as if the corpse was physically present. At the end of the ceremonies the omu was buried in the ground.

Those who came to announce the death of a deceased Oka man must give a meticulous account of how he died. Everybody listened attentively. Everybody must be satisfied that there was no foul play. If any doubt was created, Oka ordered an investigation, and if the investigation revealed that the Oka man did not die a natural death, but was murdered by some people, then there was war between Oka and the town whose people were responsible, then was why most of the wars fought by the oka people centered around people killing oka citizens. It was the capacity for immediate retaliation that made it possible for Oka people to travel safely throughout those parts of Nigeria where they journeyed to make a living before the coming of the British.

When the corpse of an Oka man was brought home, everybody went to see it, for the same reason – to be sure that he was not unlawfully killed; and the relatives must touch the body. Every Oka man who was ill abroad always expressed the wish to be taken home to Oka to die, “so that my people may touch my body” (ka ndu be anyi metum aka).

Agu Ceremony: Some time after the child had cut its teeth the “Agu” ceremony was performed for it. The time for this ceremony depended on the father’s circumstances, because the ceremony cost some money. It could be said to be the first Oka “title” for the child. And if it could be called a title, then it was the only one that could be taken by a female in Oka town!

“Agu” was an elaborate ritual, or ceremony, by which a deceased ancestor was identified, or chosen and attached to a child as that child’s guardian spirit, to lead it through its life here on earth.

The child was not perceived as a re-embodiment of the ancestor selected for it, that is to say, the child was not a re—embodiment of its ancestor physically. Both were separate beings; one existed in the spirit-world, and the other in the human world, at the same time. The one in the spirit-world was present, as a spirit, with the one in the human world, and followed him about through all the vicissitudes of life, protecting him from harm not decreed for him. It was the child’s patron.

This ancestor, when identified, was called “Chi” of the child, “Chi-nke-mmadi”, meaning, “patron-spirit who is attached to and looks after an individual and was once himself (or herself) a human being”. The other “Chi” in Oka religion, was “Chi – Ukwu” (Chikwu) – the Creator God the Spirit that created the whole world and everything in it, both living and dead and looked after all.

By means of this concept of spirit-patronage, the Oka child was linked to its ancestors.

Oka people venerated their forbears, and deceased relations. They never forgot them. Through this act the present was bonded with the past. Oka united!!

Oka people believed in the imperishability of the human spirit, or soul. They believed that when a person died it was his physical body that died, but not his soul. The soul, or spirit, the Oka people called “mmuo”. When a person died they said, “o naa mmuo” – he has gone to the spirit world.

They believed that the spirit continued to live after the physical body had died, but that it lived in the spirit-world, which was not visible to the humans.

They also believed that after a time the spirit returned to the human world, and took on a physical body. The re-embodiment spirit then lived on earth again until it’s span of life once again ended, and it reverted to a spirit. After a lapse of time it again returned to earth-life, and again resumed a physical existence in another human body. They believed that a spirit returned to earth in this way, again and again, seven times, in order to gain all kinds of experience. Sometimes, it came back as a very poor person, and sometimes as a very wealthy person. When, eventually, it ceased to come back, it had become no more “mmuo mmadi” (a human spirit); it had become a god, loosing all links for ever with the world of the living.

That was re-incarnation, as the Okas believed it. Hence, an Oka woman would be heard to say, “Uwam uwa asa agam abu oka”, meaning in each of the seven periods of my existence on this earth I will always be an Oka person!

But this re-incarnation has nothing to do with the Agu ceremony. That ceremony was simply discovered the person who was the patron-spirit of a child, its Chi “Onye nolu onye but Chi-e”, was an Oka saying. He who is the patron – spirit of person is his Chi. And when an Oka woman exclaimed “Mu na Chim!”She meant “what my guardian spirit and I have agreed upon”, meaning, it is my luck, it is my destiny!.

Even though it was human beings that made the selection of a patron spirit for a child, the ritual made it appear, during the Agu ceremony, as if it was the Spirit itself that chose the child, and not the other way round!

Oka called being a patron spirit to a child “nno uwa”.

When the Ago ceremony was performed for a child, the child was ceremonially linked, or tied to its ancestors of forbears and in that way the corporate unity of Oka was preserved; the dead members of the family were linked to the living members of the family.

Oka people believed that their community was made up of the living and the dead, co-existing. The dead came back to inhabit their former compounds after the full funeral unseen. From the spirit world they influenced events for good or for bad. The living, therefore, made sacrifices to them with whatever they ate or drank, and called on them for help. Before drinking any wine the Oka man first poured a libation to these departed ancestors, (that is, giving them their share) and he sacrificed a bit of every food he ate to them, by throwing a morsel outside. Thus, in order to preserve the bond between those who had passed away (lest they be forgotten) and those still alive, every child born must have chosen for it a patron, or a guardian, among the departed relatives. The patron spirit once chose for it a patron, or a guardian, among the departed relatives. The patron spirit once chosen took on the task of looking after the child, and guiding it, and protecting it, through life. The ritual for ascertaining who this patron-spirit was the Agu ceremony.

On the day of the Agu ceremony two Dibies were invited.

“Dibie” was what Europeans called “native doctor” or “medicine man”.

There were two kinds of Dibie in Oka, namely, Dibies who gave medicines to cure illness only (doctors simpliciter), and Dibies who gave medicines and at the same time, knew the art of dividing the will of the gods (doctors cum diviners). This latter class of Dibie was known as “diviners” (ndu avba).

Dibies, of all kind, served apprenticeship, just like blacksmiths, for seven years or more.

The Debie-diviners were the most powerful in the community, because they ascertained the wishes of the gods. They used different means to do this: some worked with sand-making marks on a small heap of sand, and finding answers to questions from the marks; some worked with mirrors-they were called ‘ose nabo’-they stared into the mirrors and revealed the wish of the gods; other used “ukpukpa” – the shells of the ogbono seeds – which were strung together on thin rope, and flung on the ground: the gods spoke through the manner in which the ukpkpa shells fell, some falling face up, and some falling face down.

For Agu ceremonies in Oka, the diviners who worked with ukpukpa shells were called.

Before the Debies began their work, kola nut was presented, broken, and eaten.

Those present at the ceremony were usually the Umunna (extended family) of the child, his mother’s people (ndu ikwunnie), and the generality of the villagers, including the elders.

After the kolanut, the Debies began their work, to ascertain which spirit had indicated its wish to be the guardian of the child.

First of all, they inquired for the health and well-being of the compound into which they had come – called “avba ndu”.

The techniques of divination, that is, finding out the wishes of the gods, in Oka was called “avba”. Oka people had no illusion about what avba was. They said “avba bu uche”, meaning, divination is nothing but common sense.

After “avba ndu”, the relatives of the child put the question to the recited “onye no-o?”, who sponsors the child that it may live?

The diviners, each working on his own, threw their ukpukpa shells, and recited their incantations, in their effort to discover the patron-spirit.

The child’s relatives urged them on, and the Debies prompted the gods by saying such things as:

“Okpukpu na mme, nya nwelu”, let the willing spirit win the child, let the spirit that first indicated its interest in the child, be its guardian come out now and say so, or,

“Okpulu na mme nya nwelu”, let the willing spirit win the child, let the spirit that first indicated its interest in the child, be its guardian, let there be no rivalry, (a dispute among the gods as to who was to be the patron spirit of a child called “nzo uwa”).

The Debies having appealed to the gods in this wise for the true guardian to manifest himself, the child’s relatives suggested names to the Debies. They asked:

Is it A? Each Dibie threw his shells, and answered, No. they asked, it is B? The answer again was, No. they asked again, is it C? The same negative answer was given. Then they asked, is it D? The diviners, after consulting the avba, answered, one after the other, Yes! There would be general jubilation. D had revealed himself, or herself, as the patron spirit, or guardian-spirit, and, if the patron had held a title-name before he died, the child was saluted by that title-name.

The clue to the answers given by the Debies was that the ritual demanded that tour names should be suggested to the Dibies, and that the fourth name should be the right none. This fourth name was secretly given before-hand to the Dibies by the father of the child. But the whole ceremony was always made very dramatic and impressive. That was why a known thief, or a murderer, never became anybody’s patron-spirit – ‘ogara anu uwa’ na Oka.

As soon as the correct name was pronounced (confirming the father’s choice), there was general rejoicing and congratulations. A piece of dried fish, dipped in oil, was put into the mouth of the child, and a bit of an ovbe lead which had been prepared. A fowl was brought, and the first sacrifice was made to the child’s patron-spirit – its Chi.

Foods and drinks were served to all those present, according to their group. What was usually provided at an Agu ceremony was plentiful supply of “aku and ukpaka. It was eaten with dried fish. Eight plates of this were provided; two plates went to the child’s mother’s people, four plates to the villagers present, and two plates to the Dibies. In addition, one gallon of palm wine was given to the Dibies, and they were paid whatever fees had been agreed upon. In respect of the drinks, the child’s mother’s people were given two gallons of palm wine, and the villagers three gallons.

Agu ceremony was always a joyous occasion at any time among the oka people.

Titles After the Agu ceremony, which could be said to be the preliminary to all title-taking in Oka town, the Oka man moved on in life, taking appropriate titles as he went along.

A boy’s father, if he was able to do so, performed for him the next real title, which was “Amanwulu” title. Where the father had not done so for the son, the son did it for himself when he grew up.

“Amanwulu” was the first real title in Oka, the first investment. Apart from being an investment its significance was very great. It was the title that decided the status of every Oka male. A foreigner, or a person not a freedom of Oka, could not take it; and not having taken it he could not take any title in Oka town.

An Oka man who had not taken the Amanwulu title was in the class of people called “Ogbodu”, meaning, a mere man, just-a-body-moving-about!

He who had taken the Amanwulu title had proved himself to be a freedom of Oka, not a slave or a foreigner.

The titled in its shortened form, was performed for a non-Oka man, whom Oka decided to honour to make him a citizen of Oka. It was the only method of naturalization used by the Oka people. A person around whose feet the Oka people put the “ona Amanwulu” (otherwise known as “Ona Okpa”) – the copper anklet of an Amanwulu celebrant – was made an Oka citizen. For purposes of naturalization it was called “ona-ana-ana”, meaning, “the anklet that removes you from a temporary sojourner in Oka to a permanent member of the town, never to return to your former home”.

The ceremony of giving “ona-ana-ana” to non-natives of Oka town living in Oka was used at significant periods in Oka history, as will be told in later chapters.

The Amanwulu title was so important that no one considered himself too old to perform it, even though some of the ceremonies done during its celebration more properly belonged to people of younger age. Hence, non-Oka people taunted Oka with the fact, by saying, “Oka nee vu amanwulu na nka!” meaning “Oka people that perform the Amanwulu title even when they have grown old!”.

The titles in Oka, and how they were performed, are more fully described in another chapter. It is sufficient to mention them briefly here:

After Amanwulu, the next title was Chi.

“Chi” was a title; but it also meant a festival devoted to mothers, that is in honour of all Oka mothers.

On the performance of Chi title, the Oka man had taken the first step on the ladder of social eminence. He then selected his first title-names, by which he was agreed. He acquired the right to carry as a staff called “mkpalo”, which was the small side-tooth of an elephant, beautifully carved in the Oka fashion.

The next title was “Avbiajioku” (or Ivbijioku). In the olden days money was not used for this title but yams. The young Oka man must have become a substantial farmer before he could afford the title.

Next, came the Ajaghija title – the much sought after title! The Oka man was then among the Nzes. He had arrived! He took four title-names, and carried “Ngwu-Ajaghija” as his staff – an iron staff, much like that of the Ozo men, but without the bulbous middle.

Then the Oka man went for the Ozo title, the highest title of all. He was then on top! He took eight title-names, and carried the “Ngwu Ozo” staff, called! ”Ngwu Aghiliga”.

There was the last title of them all called Vbum. But very few people ever performed it. It was for those who were very wealthy, and who had numerous offspring. The requirements for it had no count. It was a kind of sacrifice or thanksgiving to the gods for being blessed with superabundance of material things.

Founding a Family: When the Oka man reached the age of taking a wife and founding his own family, he could not marry before he had undergone the ceremony of “Iwa eze”. It was done by a dioka, who chiseled his front teeth to make an opening between the two upper teeth – a mark of endurance.

After that, the Youngman’s father showed him his own living land to found his compound. He walled it round and built himself a house. But before he moved into it he must first marry a wife, and plant “Ogbu Chi” in front of the house. This was a religious ceremony in the new compound, which was done by planting a cutting from an Ogbu tree, giving shade where future ceremonies were performed in the compound. On the death of the Oka man his Ogbu Chi was cut down during his funeral ceremonies, broken into pieces, and thrown away.

Marriage: Di Oka anara avu avu (Oka marriage is indissoluble).

Marriage in Oka was a contract between families. The couple agreed with each other to marry, thereafter their families took the stage. Negotiations followed, anf the two families agreed the dowry to be paid for the girl, and it was paid. Then the different stages of the marriage rite were followed, such as, the girl going to inspect her future home (nne ne uno), and the girl being shown to the husband’s village people (nse nete ivbe mmia-taking back the empty jar of palm wine). Lastly, came the solemnization of the marriage. It was called “mgbu okuku onye uwa”. On that day the family of the bridegroom went with him to the house of the bride, taking with them: one hen, eight big yams, N1.20 (out of which the girl’s father took 60k and his extended family took 60k), ten gallons of palm wine, eight kolanuts, one big goat, and a bottle of hot drinks. They were sumptuously entertained.

Then they presented the things they had brought. The hen was taken outside by a senior member of the family of the girl and killed, after he had blessed the bride and the bridegroom. Then the slaughtered hen and one piece of yam out of the eight presented were given to the women of the house to prepare the ceremonial meal: They cooked the yam and pounded it into foofoo, which was divided into two parts. The fowl was used to prepare a kind of soup called “obobo” which no vegetables used, and no other ingredients except salt and pepper, nor any fish, and no oil. One wing of the fowl was put in a dish with some of the soup, and set before the bridegroom’s people, together with them for the first time.

The family of the girl took the rest of the fowl and the soup, and the remainder of the pounded yam. They ate this, and every male present took at least a morsel of the food, all dipping their hands into the same dish.

That was the ceremonial meal that sealed the marriage contract. After that meal, prepared with the things brought by the husband’s people, the girl became their wife.

The bridegroom and his family then prepared to go. The Head of the girl’s family (nor her father) called the girl, and taking her hand in his, placed it into the hands of the oldest member of the bridegroom’s party, (not the bridegroom’s himself) saying: “Take our daughter, she is your wife, look after her well, and upon the families of the two parties. The oldest member from the bridegroom’s side responded, thanking the girl’s family. Then they took the girl home, blowing their ivory trumpet – Okike – all the way in joy.

While the procedure for the dissolution of an Oka marriage was quite simple, the actual practice was more difficult. The reason was that both families were involved nothing could be done without them, and the man’s family usually refused any divorce.

In law, for a husband to dissolve a marriage, he simply took some of his family with him and returned the girl to her people, with a statement that the marriage had ended, and that his dowry should be refunded if and when she remarried

For a girl to dissolve the marriage, she just went back home, and a message was sent to the husband’s people to come and take their dowry; when that was done, the marriage ended. Any issues of the marriage were taken by the husband’s family.

If a woman has had children, and was a grown-up woman, it was impossible to divorce her in Oka. The husband’s family usually forced him to build a house of her own for her within the compound, where she could live with her children, without having contact with the husband. But they refused that she should be sent back home and abandoned.

A younger woman was more easily divorced, because she had more chances of a re-marriage, but only if the family supported the divorce because of her bad character.

An Oka wife and her husband could live apart for twenty years or more, so that people forgot that they were husband and wife, and still come together again. That was why it was said that Oka marriages were indissoluble; no matter how long the separation, there was always a chance of coming together.

Death of the Oka man: The Oka man did not die when his corpse was first buried: he was said to have gone on a journey! He only “died” when his second funeral ceremonies were about to begin! Then, in the evening of the day before the ceremonies, a gun was shot into the air in his compound. This announced to Oka that the Oka man was officially dead, and that the following day the second-burial ceremonies called “Ogbugba Uta” would begin. The announcement was called “Ndasu”.

“Ndasu” was different from “Ntisu”.

Ndasu was the formal announcement that an Oka person was dead, (even though the body had been buried) and that the second-burial ceremonies were about to start.

“Ntisu” meant the announcement of the death by the wailing of the relatives of the deceased, at the time of the person’s actual death, whereby people knew that somebody had died. Until the family had prepared the body by washing, anointing or dressing it, and sweeping the compound, they did not cry. Any body who gave way to grief was hushed, and told to control herself, “aka etisuro-kwie”, meaning, “Don’t invite Oka into the compound with your wailing, we are not yet ready”. But when everything was ready, then lamentation began, and people rushed into the compound in large numbers. That was what was called “Ntisu”.

Burial: Oka had strict rules for burying the dead. There were rules about how a corpse was prepared and put in the ground; rules for men, rules for women, and rules for children.

An Oka man with Chi title, or a higher title, was buried with “mgbo oji” coffin consisting of iroko planks.

A man who had not performed any title was buried with palm branches shorn of the leaves. Three poles were tied together with tie-tie from the palm branches, one pole to rest the body upon, and two poles to support the sides.

A slave was buried with three planks of soft wood (mgbo akpu, that is, cotton wood tree), and his grave was dug – not with the normal hoe – but with the little hoe called “akakpulu ogu”. There was a saying: Nwa oru na amu nwa oru ibie amu na eji akakpulu enie, mgbe nkie luolu kedi ivbe ge meni? Meaning, the slave that laughs at another slave because he is being buried with the small hoe (akakpulu), what will happen when his turn comes?

Second Burial Ceremonies: the meaning of “second burial” “Nkwa Ozu”, was simply this: Death does not give notice of its coming, “Onwu anara aka agba”. Therefore, unless in the case of very old person, no one ever prepared for it. Even where a person had been ill for a long time there was always a hope that he would recover.

But an Oka man did not depart to the great beyond without having his social rights and entitlements given to him, particularly in the field of cultural activities in which he had participated during his lifetime (quite apart from the religious ceremonies connected with actual burial).

According to Oka beliefs, the first burial disposed of the physical body; the second burial sent off the spirit on its way. Unless that second burial was done the spirit of the deceased hovered, waiting, in the human world, and could become pernicious or harmful out of frustration. That was why it must be done, “Okwukwa”. During okwukwa things were done for the deceased which he had participated in doing on earth, such as games and songs. Okwukwa meant giving to the deceased his due, paying a debt due to him and sending him off content that he could now forget the earthly world.

It was done for all, male and female, except for those who had died by hanging for murder or who had committed suicide. But, even then, the friends of such people could do something symbolically for them. For instance, by reason of the performance of this office by his friend for him, Nwabunwanne was saved from the dead.

Nwabunwanne was a flutist of note. His oja never failed to move people.

He was a native of Okperi Quarter of Amiko Village. He had a quarrel with his family. So, one early morning they propped up a dead woman against a plantain tree and woke him up, asking him to bring out his gun, that a thief was around. He brought out his gun, and shot it in the directions of the corpse. The corpse was that of a woman of Nibo town married at Amikwo. Having shot his gun, his people said that he had killed the woman.

Nibo people came and demanded justice.

Oka met and decided that Nwabunwanne was guilty of murder and was to hang. He was taken to Akpaka - Okwudo at Umuayom village, with Oka and Nibo people present. He was hanged and voided. Nibo people tested and found him dead. He was cu down.

Nwabu had a close friend of the same age-grade as himself, one Nwigwebuike Mgbolo of Isiagu Amikwo Village. Nwigwebuike demanded that he should not be buried till after he had sung to him the songs of their youth. Nwabu had then been tied of akpalata, ready for burial. Akpalata was a contraption of three palm branches tied together; a manner of burial for an Oka man without title

Nwigwebuike then started to sing to him, that is, what Oka called “mma mbem” – a song of lamentation. He called him by his various greeting names, and reminded him of what they had done together in their youth. As he sang, the corpse appeared to him to move.

Nwigwebuike sent for water, as if to drink; and asked people to give him chance. Then he loosened the cords with which the corpse had been tied to the akpalata, and began to sprinkle it with water. The corpse moved again. Nwigwebuike sent for a number of trusted friends. Other people thought that those called were to help him bury the corpse. (Since he was only hanged, and had not committed suicide, Oka people could bury him). The people called came, and pretended to be getting ready to bury the corpse. At night, in the dark, they took Nwabu on their backs, and going through bushes, brought him to the house of Okolobu Ezikuno at Avbo Mkpukpa in Umudioka Village. They carried him into the inner house called “unonga”.

There, Nwakuozo Uzekwe, wife of Okolobu, ground uvbuo – red camwood and continually rubbed Nwabunwanne down with it all over his body. He was put over an agodo – a raffia palm platform – with fire underneath. He was recovering. At the end of another twenty-eight days he was well. His body was then decorated with uli and uli-ogbu. Very early in the morning, on the fifty-sixth day after he was supposed to have died, at the second cock-crow, Nwabunwanne took up his oja flute, and began to flute.

People who heard him, said, “This sounds like Nwabunwanne’s flute”. By daylight, Nwigwebuike, his friend came singing from Amikwo village. Oka went wide with excitement, and stampeded to the house of Okolobu to see Nwabu. Nwabu then came out, and started dancing and fluting and making merry, saying “He who has done nothing, nothing can happen to him”. He lived to a very ripe age thereafter.

The send-off events cost money and the higher the position of the deceased person in society the costlier the activity marking his send-off. Therefore, when a death occurred there was never enough time to raise the money for the send-off events, otherwise known as “okwukwa”, (nkwa mmadi or nkwa ozu). But since the burial of a dead body could not be postponed indefinitely the idea was evolved of burying the body first, and performing the send-off ceremonies later.

This ‘later’ might be a matter of days, weeks, months or even years. Where the person whose responsibility it was to foot the bill was a small boy, and there was no one able to come to his aid, his parents’ send-off was postponed till the boy had grown to manhood, and was able to do it himself.

Whatever time it took, however, this send-off or demonstration of respect at the departure of a person or “okwukwa”, must be performed for every Oka man or woman. And when it was done, it was called “second burial” in the English language or “okwukwa” in Oka. The funeral activities marking the “okwukwa” of a man were called “mgba egwu - Idine”, meaning, burial dances. And unless and until the second burial ceremonies were performed for a man, his relatives did not share his estate “akwacha ozu, elivbe ekpe. And if only one person did the ceremonies for the deceased, whereas he had sons and other relatives able, but unwilling to do it, that man controlled the estate, until such time as his expenses were fully reimbursed him.

The closing ceremony of the second burial of an Oka man was the Abia dance. After the general songs and dances, games and masquerading, that ritual took place in front of his compound, performed by members of his village who had no fathers living. They alone could dance to the Abia drum.

Hoe and cutlass, Oshiama and otutu, implements for carving were all displayed. And the ram was fettered and standing.

A dancer came out and took up a hoe; he made the motions of hoeing a ridge. The Abia drum beat out its wired music. Then he put down the hoe and took up the cutlass; he made motions of cutting the bush. Next, he took up the anvil and the hammer and made as if he was smithing. Having danced that, he took up the plane and pared away a piece of wood, ready for carving. Lastly, he carried up the ram and hoisted it upon his shoulders and danced round a bit with it. Then the music stopped.

Another person took the floor. All those who danced did the same things. As they danced they shouted: Isugada, Isugada, Isugada!!

At the end of the dance, the ram was killed and cooked there in the open and eaten by the participants; nothing was left over, every scrap of meat must be eaten. And that ended the second burial ceremonies of a man.

The Abia drumming was called Egwu Isugada. Only those who had lost their fathers could dance to it. There was a saying that originated from that dance, which went as follows:-

“Nwatakili ana akul egwu isugada ona agba, omara na egwu isugada bu egwummuo”? (The child that hears the music of the abia drum and begins to dance because it is sweet, does it not know that egwu isugada is a dance meant for the dead, which no human can dance to and live?).

Nsete N’uno: Twenty-eight days after the burial of an Oka man and after the second burial ceremonies had been performed for him, on a day called “boshi izu assa”, the final ceremony concerning the dead took place.

First thing in the morning of the 28th day, whoever was the Head of the family, went out and procure a bunch of palm fronds; he came back to the Obu or ancestral Hall of the family, and while the other family members looked on, he pointed the bunch of palm fronds in the direction of the east, and intoned:

“Nwokoye” (if the deceased’s name was Nwokoye),
You went away with the setting sun,
Now, come back with the rising sun!”

He then solemnly took the palm fronds into the Obu, and laid them down on the Ikpo Mmuo. An altar (uluchi) was then fashioned for the deceased from the wood of an ogilisi tree, giving it its own shape for ease of identification. Then a fowl was sacrificed on the altar for the deceased Nwokoye – for the first time. He had now become a god, one of the family gods. Thereafter, sacrifices to the family gods, and libations poured to them, included him.

The deceased Nwokoye had returned to the compound of his fathers, as a spirit and to his ancestral Hall, and had become a benign spirit. The ceremony was called “nseete n ‘uno”, meaning bringing back home the spirit of a deceased relative.

The above rules are but a sample of the laws and customs of the Oka people, called “Omenana Oka”, which made the Oka man, and to which he adhered; they guided and guarded his life from its beginning to its end.