Chapter 4 Ifiteana People: the Progenitors of Oka

Chapter 4

Ifiteana People: the Progenitors of Oka

“Okike kel Oka,
Owuwa wa! Oka!”

(The elephant tusk
In search of which
Oka was founded
The creator of Oka wealth!)
---- an ancient Oka invocation

The Oka people believe, up to this day, that in all Igbo land they are the most ancient nation, and that no other nation surpasses them in antiquity. They believe that others took the names of their gods from them, as well as the names of the days of their week – Eke, Oye, Avbo, and Nkwo.

Whether their claims can be made out, is for future researchers to settle. Suffice it to say that Oka as a town is very long in history. When the Onitshas came, the Okas were there. When the Nris came, they were there.

In the days when Benin City was acquiring, in British propaganda, the name of “the City of Blood”, Oka people were quite safe there. They went in and out safely. Igbuala (or Ugwuala), the legendary warrior of Benin, had his famous sword made for him by an Oka blacksmith from Umukwa Village.

Where communities were at war, and the road was closed, Oka passed, by having their bellows hoisted on poles over their canoes. When the combatants saw the sign they knew that Oka people were passing by, and they gave them safe passage.

Other people have stories of where they came from, but Oka have none.

There is indeed a mystery with regard to the origin of the first Oka people – that nuclear group around which other people attached themselves to form Oka town. These first Oka people were known as Ifiteana. To them others came, and joined themselves, and all fused together to become a civilized and technological society.

Who they were, where they came from (if they came from somewhere), who their own ancestors were, are not known. Oka simply said of themselves that they were of Ifiteana stock – Ebe Anyi (our stock).

At the bounded as follows:- On the north, by the towns of Okpuno and Mgbakwu; on the east, by the towns of Amansea and Ugwuoba (Ugwuoba having one bank of the Ezu River and Oka the other); on the west, by Enugwu – Agidi (formerly Osunagidi) and Nawfia towns; and on the south by Nibo and Nise towns.

Within those boundaries this race of people, called Ifiteana, had developed a way of life all their own.

They were skilled in iron work. (Where and when they learned those arts is not known).

They knew how to smelt iron from iron ore, and to make steel. They had the knowledge of the mixing of metals. They worked in iron, brass, bronze and copper.

They made knives, axes and hoes.

They knew foundry works

They made ornaments of iron, copper and ivory with great skill.

They were porters and wove cloth.

They made their own war implements – matchets, swords, diggers and above all, the ubiquitous “Alo” the spear, used for throwing, thrusting and stabling. When it was used for throwing it was called “ube”, javelin.

These early Oka people lived in villages of thatched houses of intricate design and beauty.

The aju-grass roofs were particularly skillfully made. The mud walls were decorated with paintings, and the floors were washed with mud water and rubbed with large smooth pebbles until they shone like mirrors. The wooden pillars, called azu, holding the sides of the houses, were beautifully carved.

They invented a calendar of their own, which was not very much different from the Julian and the Gregorian calendars.

They did not know writing.

They developed their own style of architecture, and while other people around them lived in “Odo” round huts, they built modern oblong houses, like samanga.

Their men carved exquisite sculptures of man and nature, and the women painted vivid wall pictures: some of the women were specialists and earned their living by the means.

They made music and invented musical instruments. They manufactured the ogene (gong) and its big brother alo. They had wind instruments, such as the ntule, and ozimgbomgbo. And string instrument like the une. They had the all-pervading oja, a flute (piccolo). Oja was a short wooden flute, which holes for fingering on its two sides and the bottom. It was the symbol of Oka musical culture. Its then sound floating haunting in the air moved the hearts of both the young and the old. It was the comnipresent instrument without which instrumentation was not complete!

The Ifiteana, otherwise called the Oka people, had no story of the time when they did not know the arts of metal working, of wood carving and of the practice of medicine, for which they were famed.

But they had a story that their earliest god was called Okika-na-ube, the god pre-eminent with the spear!, who had come out of Outer Space and taught them (or inspired them with) their skilful knowledge and their crafts. So that, till this day, the Oka people have a saying: “ivbe na eme! Oka ivbe shi na ikuku abia”, meaning all good things that come to Oka come from outer space.

Like the other gods of the Oka people, Okikia-na-ube had a movable alter. But his alter was the elephant’s tusk.

Okika-na-ube (shortened to Okanube) gave Oka her name. The Ifiteana people called themselves “worshippers of Okanube”, Umu-Okanube. Then Umu-Okanube became shortened to Umu-Oka; and their town became Oka. Just as Umuikenanunwa and Umuokpandu families, because they worshipped a common goddess called “Ayom-gbovbe”, called themselves Umu-Ayomgbovbe, worshippers of Ayomgbovbe, and so became “Umuayom” people, who today live in Umuayom Village, the Head village of Oka town.

Okanube was the god that inspired the Ifiteana in war, who taught them to hunt and fight with the javelin – the throwing spear – who taught them to work in iron, carve in wood, practice medicine, and till the land. While others were still relying on “mgbolo” alone, wooden staff or pole, as their weapon of war, the Ifiteana, worshippers of Okanibe, invented the iron spear-ube or alo and became invincible to their neighbours. They worshipped and venerated the god that inspired them, and called him “the god that is pre-eminent with the spear!” – Okika-na-ube – Okanube, for short

Metal work was as old as the first Oka man. It was their proficiency in working in metal that gave the Ifiteana the pre-eminent position they held among the several nations surrounding them.

Oka very early in their history discovered the art of smelting iron, and themselves supplied their own needs. They hammered metal into useful shapes and made tools, agricultural implements and weapons for themselves and others.

An area of Oka town, called Nluana, now part of Nnamdi Azikiwe University, was, until recent times, filled with heaps of iron slags, the result of iron smelting by Oka. The art is slumbering, but has not died out completely. Where they procured the iron ore was said to be from Agbaja hills.

Oka supplied their own needs of iron products and served others, but the era of the “traveling blacksmith” began with the coming of Agulu. Oka’s internal markets could not sustain all the smiths practicing there; therefore, people moved out, and with their traveling organization into guilds took shape, and, also, the division into journey route ezi ije or owali ije.

Yoruba and Hausa peoples were smiths, but Oka had a different style of smithing up till today.

Binis were specialists in foundry work, but Oka were specialists in iron and steel, in hammering and hitting.

It was gun-smithing, however, that enabled Oka to penetrate Yoruba land. While Yoruba used nails, and riveted their gun parts, Oka used screws. Oka guns could be taken to pieces and re-assembled.

Screw was called “nvbolo” in Oka, and was fabricated by Oka and threaded by them. Threading was done by “nna”. The screw-driver was called “Ishi-ka-aru”. Oka used the Big Vice – mkpa mvbolo – attached to a stand, as well as Hand Vice – mkpa aka – with which things were put in the fire and taken out.

When Oka smiths came in, they superseded others, because of their precision, and the durability of their products. Oka smiths called themselves “Okwanka”, specialists.

Oka manufactured all their tools for smithing and never used imported implements, even at the present time. They preferred their own parts.

In 1925 Oka smiths were taken to England, in an exhibition at Wembley, England. They showed the British how Oka smiths worked, and what they made. Afterwards, the British initiated them and flooded the African market with cheaper machine-made goods. Oka blacksmithing fell, and has never risen again.

Oka smiths fashioned implements to carve the wood for gun parts. They made the “Nso” –chisel, and “Nlacha” – cursafe, for shaving wood to smoothen it.

The Oka man looked at a thing – a metal object or wood. He examined it carefully and with great concentration. He then went home and reproduced it. That was Oka.


Oka smithing was dying until the Nigerian Civil War, then Oka came back briefly into her own, in fabrication, foundry work, and so on. Oka flowered for a time, and then sunk back into ordinariness. Oka blacksmiths had great honour wherever they went. Their usefulness was always appreciated. In Yoruba land they were not required to do what others did. “Agbede” (the blacksmith), they said, “does not cut the path to the stream, nor cut the path to the farms, nor go to war. He is in his smithy fashioning the implements of war or of farming.

Urueri, Amaenyiana and okpo, the three Ifiteana communities, who called themselves Umu-Oka, or Oka began their entry into remembered history on the banks of the Ogwugwu Stream, in what is now Nkwelle Village. They all lived there.

During the period of expansion, Urueri remained in the original habitation near the Ogwugwu Stream, from which they drank; while Amaenyiana moved to the hill-top overlooking the elephants trail. They settled on what later became known as “Okpuno Ochu”, and got their drinking water from the Ovbia stream. From there, a man called Ndu, took his family and some companions further east, on the same plateau, to found a smaller community of Amaenyiana, distinct from the man body of Amaenyiana, still living at Okpuno ochu, near the Ring Road to Nibo.

A people called Nkwelle came to live with Urueri. They comprised four families—Achllaoji, Agbana, Umunamoke and Umudiaba. They later merged with Urueri and all became known as “Nkwelle”. But Nkwelle proper had different Ajana from Urueri, a sign of different identity, for in Oka related people had one Ajana. Moreover, the Urueri people always performed the ceremony of “mma ogbu” – planting the ogbu fertility and long-lived tree – for any Nkwelle man founding a new compound, showing that they were the original inhabitants of the land. Nkwelle man founding a new compound, showing that they were the original inhabitants of the land. Nkwelle, Uvume and Umuokwa formerly took the Ajaghija and ozo titles together, until Uvme and Umuokwa were driven away by war, indicating that the three peoples were of common stock and culture.

It was from their new settlement that Ndu brought his people down to the present-day Umuayom Village site, to start the Ayom-na-Okpala community, after the unfortunate disasters that befell Amaenyiana. And it was from Ayom-na-Okpala, from the Umuoramma family, that a warrior group (anya) went out to the boundary of Oka and Nawfia and founded Umuokpu Village; and from Umuokpu Village they founded Umuokpu - Obunagu Village, which was later re-named Amikwo-Obunagu.

In their own expansion, the okpo people settled on the hill-top opposite Amaenyiana, near the Ovbia and Nwannu Streams. They supplied Priests that gave food to and ministered to the god, Obe. They were therefore, also known as the Obe people. They founded the villages of Amachalla, Amudo and Umuzocha.

While all Ifiteana were still living at Nkwelle, an okpo man, called Ikwodiaku, a doctor, while hunting for herbs, discovered near Udide lake another luscious and fertile land, where he settled with those who would follow him, and thus founded Amikwo Village, which took its name from him - of Ama - Ikwodiaku, or Amikwo.

Eri, an Amaenyiana man, was a palm wine tapper, the first to make it a profession. He settled on the outskirts of Oka in order to near the numerous palm trees that were the sources of his palm wine production. Later, he was joined by his two friends, Ogbunu and Ogwa. Their settlement was known as settlement on the outskirts “ezi agu or iku agu, Oka”, from which was derived the name Ezi-Oka as the name of the Quarter where they settled.

Amaenyi-na-Amachalla (Amaenyi and Amachalla, that is, Amachalla-na-ato) and Urueri were the original Oka people. From okpo of the Amachallas Amikwo emigrated to where they now live and from Amaenyi the components parts of Ezioka also moved. Agulu came later to live with Amikwo, and Umudioka came to live among the Ezioka people. Umuokpu went out to settle on the border with Nawfia town from Amaenyi, whilst the different peoples making up Ifite-Oka settled with the Okpos, and the Nkwelle people merged with Urueri. That in a nutshell was the composition of Oka.

The Ifiteana people – Urueri, Amaenyiana, and Okpo – were not skilled metal workers, farmers and doctors, but were enthusiastic hunters. They were said to be generally tall and muscular.

Apart from individual hunting at odd times, they organized community or mass huntings that they killed the elephants that were the source of their wealth.

Small animals killed were shared in the bush. But big animals, when killed were shared at home, such as Ene, Ocho, Atu, Ezi-Ovbia, Uvbala (also called Ishi-aba-ovbia, having long twisted horns used for Amanwulu ceremony: on the day the Amanwulu celebrant put on the Amanwulu headgear or cap (abo), it was the horn of the uvbala that was blown, and the celebrant returning from Udo Shrine answered back “o-o-o-o-o-o”). Such big animals were strapped to poles and carried home amidst the hunting chant.

“Kwenu olima-o
Olimanja!
Olima-o
Olimanja!
Kwenu olima-o
Olimanja!
Olima-o
Olimanja!

When people at home heard the chant they rushed out to rejoice, knowing that a big animal had been killed.

The laws of hunting of the Ifiteana were as follows:
1. Before setting out for mass hunting, the people should examined themselves and excluded all those who would bring them bad luck. Those who would bring them bad luck were classified as follows:-

(i) Onye pa alu nta, meaning, the second burial ceremony of his father, mother, wife or brother and

(ii) Onye lulu ulu anu, that is to say, a person guilty of taking an animal he did not kill, for example, if somebody’s snare killed an animal and he took it out and, instead of carrying it to the owner, appropriated it, or if somebody shot an animal and it fled and died some distance away, the person who saw it within one native week of its been killed and took it himself without looking for the owner.

(iii) Onye kpul aga n’ishi, meaning, at the start of hunting any one who put the bamboo trap (aga) on his head.

The belief was that if any of these categories of people joined the hunt there would be no game, no animals would be killed.


2. The laws of the chase
(i) Those with guns must, under no circumstances, shoot at man’s level-ogo mmadi. The shooter must point the gun downwards, unless the animal was so near that he saw all round it, so that he could not miss it, and if the bullet penetrated the animal there was no human being behind it likely to be affected.

(ii) When a person grappled with an animal, or an animal was very near, he must not use a matchet, because he would either hurt himself or another person who came to help.

(iii) If a person matchetted an animal first, and another killed it afterwards, the animal belonged to the man who first struck it.

(iv) If a person shot an animal and wounded it, and subsequently another person shot it dead, the animal belonged to the first man.

(v) Where there was a dispute as to who owned an animal that had been killed, the “ikpo nkita”, the bell on the neck of a hunting god – was put on the animal, and the disputant was asked to swear on it that he killed the animal. If he swore falsely, the belief was that for two or three months thereafter he would be unable to kill any animal, even if the animal was within one metre of him. This was called “mgba ikpo”. But if he was the lawful owner, and swore, the belief was that he would be the first to kill at the next hunting expedition, it was then said, “na ogoli ya” – he is vindicated.

(vi) Division
(a) An animal killed in a hunting expedition was shared as follows:-
The killer took the head; then the body was divided into two, the killer took one-half, and the rest of the hunters took the other half. This was so, whether the animal was big or small. If nchi (grass-cutter) was driven out of its lair by a hunting-dog, the dog’s owner was given one leg, and the animal was shared into two, as above. The boys who carried the animal were given the intestines.

(b) All the halves of the animals killed in hunting expedition were put together and shared generally by all those who too part in the hunting both those who had killed the animals and those who hadn’t. it was then said, “eke-e anu nta” – the proceeds of hunting have been equitably shared. The dog was given its share which was taken by its owner.

There was a saying: “Egbute eke ghi eke na avu nta”, meaning a person who refused to share his killing with others would not be allowed to join any future hunting.

(vii) Nru (Tribute to old age):
before the division of a big animal the “inti na ana”, alias “ishiko”, that is, the chest from the neck of the 5th rib, was taken out. This the killer of the animal gave to the oldest man in his family, together with one leg. This was called “nru”, or tribute to the elders (who could no longer go hunting).

3. Time: The month of Ede Mmuo festival, the last month of the Oka year, was the month for mass hunting. Then bush fires (agu oku) had taken place, and the round was being prepared for the next farming season.

4. Elephant hunting: Before the day of the hunt, the diviners (Dibies) were called and they gave the go-ahead. Then medicines were prepared. If spears (javelins) (ube) agana was preferred. If guns were to be used the agini, were also smeared with the medicines.

The recipe for the medicines was passed down from generation to generation. It was said to have originated from Okanube, the first Oka god.

There were two kinds of medicine – (a) otolo and (b) ada-ngene. If otolo medicine was used the elephant hit with it would stool until it weakened and died. If ada-ngene was used, the elephant would keep going on until met a stream, or any body of water, and as soon as it drank from it, it died – it was never able to cross the water. Modern example: 1910 elephant was killed by the sue of ‘ada-ngene’ by three hunters – Nwole, Odogwu and Nzekwe Onuorah of Umuayom Village. The elephant tried to cross the Oji River but died on its banks. Its head decorated the Government Station, Oka, for many years.

5. Okike: Okike, the stuffed elephant’s tusk, differed form the ivory trumpet used on social occasion.

The stuffed elephant’s tusk was a sacred object of the Oka people. “Mgbe eji apatu Okike bun a onwa ise Oka”. The time for the celebration of Okike was the fifth month of the Oka year, that is, towards the dry season, when hunting started. Once a year the Okike was brought down. It was the “nkwu” or altar of the god, Okanube. Sacrifice was made near it but not over it. Yams were brought for foofoo, a chicken or a goat was killed for soup. The slaughtered animal was dissected and the parts for sacrifice were taken out. If it was a fowl, the parts for sacrifice were the head, the feet, and chest cage. These were buried in the ground in front of the Okike. An “Obie” a stout stick with sharpened end – was struck in the ground, once, to make a hole into which the sacrificial parts of the fowl were put and covered up. As soon as the sacrifice was made, the Okike was re-wrapped and taken away to its hiding place. Thereafter, food was prepared and feasting began.

The Okike, kept in every Oka ancestral Hall, was the repository of the medicines Oka used for hunting elephants. Therefore, the medicines were protected by religious sanctions. It was believed that an unauthorized person who looked at the Okike before its yearly outing would have hysteria, until the diviners were called in, who would find that he had seen Okike (“ashi na ovbulu Okike”). The Okike would then be appeased with an appropriate sacrifice, and the person would recover.

Urueri were the Head of the Oka people, but when they almost died out, Amaenyiana took the Headship from them, and have retained it till today.

In course of time there developed thirty-three villages in Oka town, each having its own land, and each autonomous in everything except in what concerned the whole population, grouped themselves into Quarters, according to their historian origins. Each set of ancestors formed a Quarter, thus, Ifiteana set of ancestors form Ifite Quarter, Amikwo set of ancestors formed Amikwo Quarter, Ezioka set of ancestors formed Ezioka Quarter, and Agulu set of ancestors formed Agulu Quarter.

Ifite Quarter was counted as one Quarter, even though, it did not contain only one set of ancestors. In fact, it contained four sets of ancestors, namely, Ayom-na-Okpala (Amaenyi, properly so called), Nkwelle, Amachalla (called Amachalla-na-ato) and Ifite Oka. Each became a sub-Quarter of Ifite Quarter. The Quarters were themselves grouped into two larger units called Ifite (the original habitation of the Ifiteana, and Ezi (the outskirts-iku agu or ezi agu). That was how the name “Ezi-na-Ifite” came about in Oka. When things were being shared Ifite took the first share, and Ezi the second share.

When things were shared, Quarter by Quarter, they were taken in the following order:

Ayom-na-Okpala took the first share, because of Umuokpandu family (a branch of Amaenyiana) within it who became the Head of all Oka after Urueri.

Nkwelle took the second share, because of the Urueri family who had become part of Nkwelle.

Amachalla-na-ato took the third share because the three villages making it up, namely, Amachalla, Amudo and Umuzocha were Okpos and the Okpos were next to Amaenyiana.

Ifite-Oka took the fourth share, because of Irunnebo family, who were part of Ifite-Oka Quarter, and were themselves part of the Ifiteana-Okpos.

Amikwo took the fifth share, because they were an offshoot of the Okpos, and formed a settled community before Ezioka.

Ezioka took share number six; because they went to settle where they settled from Amaenyiana (they absorbed Umudioka who were the last to arrive in Oka).

Agulu took the last share, because although they were senior to Umudioka, with regards to dates of arrival at Oka, Umudioka had become part of Ezioka.

Inside Ayom-na-Okpala, the order of seniority was as follows: Umuayom Village (because of Umuokpandu family forming part of it), Umunnoke, Umuoramma and Umuokpu.

In Nkwelle, the order was as follows:- Amachallaoji (because of the remnant of Urueri attached to them), Enuifite, and Agbana-Ifite.

In Amikwo, the order was as follows:- Umudiana, Okperi, Igweogige, Isiagu and Obunagu.

In Ezioka, the order was Omuko, Umueri, Umuogwal, Umuogbunu Nos. 1 and 2 (that is, the two Umuogbunus, namely, Umunzobe and Umuogbunu), and Umudioka.

In Agulu, the order was as follows:- Umuogbu, Umubele, Umuanaga, Umuike, Umujagwo, Umuenechi and Umuoruka.

The order of taking shares in Oka, village by village, was, therefore as follows:

1. Umuayom
2. Umunoke
3. Umuoramma
4. Umuokpu
5. Achallaoji
6. Umunamoke
7. Umudiaba
8. Agbana
9. Amachalla
10. Amudo
11. Umuzocha
12. Ezinato-Ifite
13. Enu-Ifite
14. Agbana-Ifite
15. Omuko
16. Umueri
17. Umukwa
18. Umuogwal
19. Umuogbunu No. 1.
20. Umuogbunu No. 2
21. Umudioka
22. Umudiana
23. Okperi
24. Igweogige
25. Isiagu
26. Obunagu
27. Umuogbu
28. Umubele
29. Umuanaga
30. Umuike
31. Umujagwa
32. Umuenechi
33. Umuoruka

The Ifiteana, who called themselves Umu-Oka or Oka, had an advanced culture that was totally different from that of the people around them. Their manner of living, language, customs and rules of conduct and social organization were different.

They said of themselves that they were the original inhabitants of the land. The original Igbo. Ifiteana: ndu vbili ana, ndu kulu ana.

Ifite firi fi (the she-goat lies where she lies, unmoving). Ifiite, she-goat, mother of goats.

“Ifi-te anara eli na nnigheli”, the Oka people say, the she-goat does not thrive on being moved. Their name, Ifiteana, meant, The Immovable Ones! The rearers of goat! The domesticators of animals!!

Whatever their origin, these people had been living on Oka land from time out of mind. The present Oka people are their descendants. Oka people always referred to themselves as “Ebe anyi”. When Ok a people greet themselves collectively they say Ibe-anyi” or “Onye-ibe”. When Oka people greet themselves collectively they say Ibe-anyi. Although the ancestory of Ifiteana is so remote that no one can remember it, people, however, sometimes wondered whether they could not be an offshoot of the fabled Atlanteans!

The Ifiteanas tamed the inhospitable forests of what is now Oka town, and hunted the wild animals that abounded therein, such as ene, ocho, mmolo, atu, and above all they have no memory.

Animals of various kinds roamed therein, particularly the elephant (enyi), whose trail criss-crossed the entire area. Up till recent times there used to be at Agu Oka (at a spot now part of the former premises of the Anambra State College of Education) at Nluana a pond known as Iyi Enyi (Elephants’ Pond) where elephants used to congregate to drink and slake their thirst.

Bu the elephants have completely gone from the area, with the steady encroachment of man. The last elephant that passed through Oka was pursued and killed at Oji-na-ato in Ugwuoba in 1910, and, as has been stated, its head was used to adorn the walls of the District Office, Oka, for many years.

The Ifiteana, who were the early Oka people, organized mass hunting as one of their most serious occupations.

During the dry season the Oka huntsmen went out in large groups to hunt wild animals. They killed their game, dressed the meat and carried same home to be used as food or sold. But their real wealth came from the elephants – the tusks of the
“ivbe eji achu nta|”, say the Oka people,
“bu maka ezie, oburo na anu ya ana atokazi uto”,
(The reason why Oka hunt the elephant is for its ivory,
not because its meat is very sweet).

In the dim and distant past the window of the Oka people to the outside was their ivory trade. The elephants tusk was the oldest Oka item of foreign trade,. It. Eze enyi”, has been a very valuable commodity in Oka for far beyond human memory. It was an article of trade with people who came from distant countries in search of it, bringing with them for exchange, the products of their own native lands.

The Oka people had always defended their territory with tenacity throughout their long history. And until the arrival of the British in the 20th Century, they were constantly fighting. Their games were warlike games, their dances were intended to exercise the body and inculcate self-discipline and attentiveness. It was always dinned into the ears of their children, from very early age, that they must always act bravely, and with discretion. Implements of war were always stacked within reach in every Obu, or ancestral Hall, and whenever an alarm was raised every able-bodied man (and sometimes boys) came out to do their duty. Ozo Nwanna Nwuduozo (Owulu-bu-ego) of Umuogbo Village could remember the start of the Amikwo – Agulu war. “I was about fifteen years of age then”, he said “on the day the war began. I took my bow and arrows from Hall, and went out to the battle-front; but I was driven back by my elders, they said I was too young.

Some of the ancient people in the vicinity of Oka who menaced Oka security, and kept Oka constantly fighting were Umuezekwu, Nwolu, Uvume, Abo-Enugwu, Umuokwa, Amantogwu, Inyi, Ntoko, Norgu. But these peoples are no longer there; they were effectively repulsed and driven away.

Umuezeukwu war appeared to be the first remembered war of the Oka people. There was a daughter of the Oka people called Nomeh, a most beautiful girl. She fell ill, and the Umuezeukwu people, who were mostly native doctors, but not of Ifiteana stock, undertook to cure her. They failed, and Nomeh died. The Oka people charged that Umuezeukwu had murdered the girl. They attacked Umuezeukwu and war ensued. Umuezeukwu were eventually defeated and scattered, and they left the neighborhood of Oka. Nomeh was buried in what is now Shrine of Imoka. Other Okas began to be buried there, and it became the burial ground of the Oka people.

After some years the spirit of Nomeh began to haunt her Oka relatives. She was angry because her life had been cut short, and she was not spared to marry and beget children. To appease her, the Okas went to Akpoto – to the land of the Idoma people, who were famed native doctors, and got a group of them to come and do a medicine for Oka. The Akpotos came, and the medicine they made for Oka was Akwali-Oda-Omumu Umuoka, an akwali to bring Umuoka children and ward off evil.

This akwali was sited at the spot where Nomeh was buried. The akwali became known as Akwali Umuoka or Imoka. When it got very powerful the Oka people worshipped it as a god, and celebrated its festival once a year. Hence Imoka was sometimes called Imoka Nomeh!

After the akwali was made, the diviners (native doctors who specialized in ascertaining the wishes of the gods) had to determine who were to serve it and give it food. The job, or honour, fell to a family called Umu-Ofunu, in Amachalla Village. They served it for sometime, and then grew careless, and could not keep the rules and taboos and so died off. Umu-Eleke family, also in Amachalla, succeeded them, and have been serving the god up till today, enjoying both the prestige and the proceeds from sacrifices made to the god.

The Akpoto native doctors were not allowed to return to their native land. The medicine they made was of such importance to the Oka people that it was feared that if they were allowed to go home they might do something to reduce its potency, or else, do a similar medicine for other people who could then become more powerful than Oka.

For that reason, they were persuaded to settle permanently in Oka town and carry on their trade of native doctors. But after living for sometime in Amachalla Village, on a piece of land along what is now G.I. Nwigbo Street, at the front of the present compound of Nwaforka Nwoka (Chinemeaku), the Oka people became apprehensive of them, because of their powerful medicines and so moved them to a place behind the habitation of the Okpos, called Okpuno, and settled them there. The Akpotos occupied the site, progressed and multiplied in numbers, and eventually formed a large community of their own – a Village, called Okpuno-Okachi, meaning, Okpuno settlement brought about by the Oka people.

The author went to Nnobi to find out if there was any support for the theory that the first Okas could have come from Nnobi. He found none. He could not even find anyone of Nnobi origin who remembered any tradition of their people linking Oka with Nnobi. But the Ugwuoba people have a saying of their own which goes like this:

“Oka Nnobi!
Ugwu-o Nnoshi!
“Ha nibo ka bukana ohu”.
(Oka (Nnobi, Ugwuoba Nnoshi,
The two have the same origin).
But “Oka Nnobi” was a mere saying, which have arisen because there was a town, in fact, called by the name Awka-Nnobi, which was later changed to “Awka-Etiti”. Even in respect of that other Awka (Awka-Etiti) no link could be among the traditions of the people themselves connecting them to the Oka of the Ifiteanas.

Nevertheless, there is a story among the Oka people that Awka-Etiti, formerly called Awka-Nnobi, comprised descendants of Oka people who came to that area to work as blacksmiths. When the time came for the annual return to Oka they failed to go home. They did this several times, and people began to call them “Oka Nkakwu” that is, foolish Oka, who refused to go home. Later on, their neighbours, the people of Nnewi changed the intonation and began to call them derisively “Oka Nkakwu” – that is, Oka of the smelly rat! When other people in glee began to call them by that name, Oka of the smelly rat – the people concerned decided to change their name to Awka – Etiti. Formerly Awka Etiti was part of the town of Nnobi. But as soon as they changed their name to Awka Etiti, they secured their separate existence from Nnobi town, governmental and otherwise.

It is believed that the existence of Awka Nnobi, as a part of Nnobi, gave rise to the theory that Oka of the Ifiteanas might have come from Nnobi, and that both were the same. Available evidence has not proved this to be so.

The author did notice, however, on his journey, that the carvings on the gates of the compounds in Nnobi town were almost as if they had been lifted bodily from Oka; and were quite different from the carvings, whilst Nnobi carvings were deep and severe, like Oka carvings, and the motif was similar. Moreover, the manner of covering the compound walls with palm branches and palm fronds, and the holes made through the mud walls for that purpose, were all like Oka and were quite distinct from the manner of the other towns which surround Nnobi.

There may be nothing in this slender piece of evidence, other than mere cultural similarity, which could occur as a result of intercourse between peoples, but it is a point worthy of future examination.

Similarly, Ikolo, the traditional wooden drum of most Igbo communities, was used to summon people in times of emergency and war, and in religious observances connected with the protection of the community. When the Ikolo of the Oka people at Nkwo Imoka Square, called Oka, it said:-

“Igbo ukwu, Igbo ukwu!
Nnamenyi!
Igbo ukwu, Igbo ukwu, Igbo ukwu!
Nnamenyi!”

“Igbo ukwu”, or Igbulukwu, was the traditional praise-name of Oka, used in times of stress and acts of power. What the Ikolo said was:

Mighty town of the Igbo people!
Mighty town of the Igbo people!
Your ancestors are great like the elephant!
Your ancestors are great like the elephant!
And whenever this was heard, all Oka quickly assembled to deal with whatever had arisen. But there is no historical evidence of any connection with the other town of that name.

Three separate tributaries, in course of time, flowed into the main stream of Oka culture to enlarge it, the dictionary meaning of culture being “the sum total of ways of living, built up by a group of human beings, which is transmitted from one generation to another.

The first tributary was the Agulu factor. Nnebuzo, a master blacksmith, came from Agulu Village in the town of Umana, Obeleagu, in the Agbaja country, to earn a living among the Oka people. His son, Agulu, became naturalized Oka citizen. Agulu introduced the practice of “the traveling blacksmith”, and by that means his descendants spread the fame of Oka far and wide. (The coming of Agulu will be dealt with in another chapter).

The second tributary was the contribution of the Nri.

According to the tradition of the Nri themselves, a man of Igala stock from Idah called Eri, son of Achado, a native doctor and hunter, came down the Omambala River in search of the River at a place later called Aguleri (Aguleri Igbo), and begat a number of children, to whom he passed on the secrets of his arts. His eldest son, who succeeded to the paraphernalia of his trade, was called Nriifikwuanim.

This first son moved farther into Igbo land and settled among the Ugbene people, who showed him a portion of their farmland called “Agu Ukwu” to live and farm upon.


Nriifikwuanim prospered and became known not only for his powers to cure diseases, but also for his readiness to assume the risk of cleansing people of abominations. He was able to do this because abominations were sins against the Earth goddess – Aja Ana, and being a non-Igbo person he was not subject to the power of any Aja Ana in Igboland. What was “Alu” (abomination) to the Igbo was not Alu to him, and what was “Nso” (forbidden conduct) did not concern him. He came from a different clime. He could, therefore, perform ceremonies to cleanse people of abominations attaching to them, and so make them acceptable to their communities once more. He took things – clothes, property – for his own use which the Igbos regarded as unclean or prohibited from the Igbo gods. He got rich thereby.

From removing the stains of abomination from people, Nriifikwuanim developed the technique of sanctifying things in general, by rituals which he devised; for example, driving away evil spirits from or around people (exorcism).

When he became famous, he decided to move from Ugbene to the more populous areas of Igboland. He came and dwelt near Oka, on the land of another Igbo community owners of the land where he settled, by giving them a percentage of his earnings, in cash or kind; hence the saying “Ivbe Nri evbe Adama” (What you pay to Nri Nri pays to Adama’s people).


Adama was the Head of Umudiana Village of Adazi, owners of the land, who gave the first land they settled upon to the Nris. Later on, the Nris expanded by buying more land for themselves.

From the time they lived at Ugbene, Nriifikwuanim and his followers were referred to as “Ndu bun a Agu Ukwu” (dwellers in Agu Ukwu land of the Ugbenes). From this reference to their locality the name “Agu Ukwu” identified Nriifikwuanim and his people, and even when they had left Ugbene town, they were still known as “Agu Ukwu” people. Also the title-name of Eze of today – Udene is but the corrupted form of the name Ugbene.

So, when they came to live near Oka to work, the community of Nriifikwuanim was known as Agu Ukwu, and their place of habitation Agukwu town. In modern times, the name has been changed to Nri town, after the name of their ancestor – Nriifikwuanim. But the Ikolo drums of the Nris still call them: “Agu Ukwu Ugbene Agu Ukwu Ugbene!”

What Nriifikwuanim (Nri in shortened form) was able to do was most welcome to the Oka people. Previously, an offender who had committed an abomination – alu - which was a sin against Aja Ana, the Earth Goddess, and was infact a grievous offence whose tendency was to disrupt the solidarity of the society or affect the corporate existence of Oka, such as a person having carnal knowledge of the person’s father’s wife while the father was alive, or committing incest, could only be killed or sold into slavery. Such a person must, in any case, be excluded from the society which he had tried to tear asunder. There was no way of bringing him back, for no one could forgive offences against the gods.

But then there came a stranger, whom the Igbo gods could not touch, who said he could cleanse abominations by taking the risks upon himself.

So, a second alternative opened up. An offender could be re-integrated with his community (after suffering whatever penalty was imposed on him by the community) by making his peace with the gods, after being cleansed of his abominable stain through a ceremony by Nriifikwuanim.

Nriifikwuanim and his descendants were, therefore, very much welcomed in Oka town. Their services were required wherever sanctification was called for. They were invited where evil spirits were to be driven out of a household, or when people must purify themselves to take a particular title (so as not to die in the midst of the ceremonies), or when a house must be cleansed because a man who had committed an abomination had died within it, or when unknown gods must be propitiated.

Contrary to popular misconception, Nris were not Oka people, and Oka people were not Nris; for whereas Nris were of Igala stock, Okas were original Igbo. There was no blood connection between them. But the two groups of people co-operated with one another, and worked harmoniously together. Both traveled extensively throughout Igboland. And while the Nris looked after the spiritual needs of the people they served, the Okas looked after their economic well-being. That could be the meaning of the Ogene song, which went like this:-

“:Etuvbe, etuvbe, gbavba-a-gbavba
Oka na Nri bu ovbu, ebe-ne-be!”
(If you look deep into history,
You will find that Oka and Nri are one).

The two sets of people certainly complemented each other.

Because of the Nris ability to sanctify things, by removing the religious pollutions attached to them; and their ability to propitiate the gods, known and unknown, they were credited with the unique power of communicating with the gods. Therefore, wherever an Nri man was present in Igboland, he broke the kolanut, whether his elders were present or not. He did this, however, if no Oka man was present. If an Oka man was present, it was the Oka man that broke the kolanut, provided he was older than the Nri man. There was an ancient saying:

Nri anara awakpo Oka oji”
(No Nri man takes precedence over an Oka man in breaking the kolanut).

The reason for the rule was that Oka people asserted that since it was they who manufactured the “Otonshi” – the metal staff or wand – with which the Nri performed their magical rites, it was not proper that the Nris should claim precedence over the creators of their source of power. The Nri themselves called their tool “Otonshi Nri ji eli Igbo”, meaning magic to Oka culture, and the cleansing of abominations – “nkpu alu”.

The third tributary that enlarged the stream that was Oka culture was the Dioka.

Body ornamentation, Ichi, mbubu, circumcision, tribal marks, these were the specialties of the Dioka; he was a surgeon from the town of Umudioka – Akpom. Hence he was called Nwa – Dioka (a son of Umudioka). But the surgery he practiced was not for curing diseases but for ornamentation. With his nimble knife he deftly cut intricate patterns on the human body, and, using herbs which he alone knew how to use, he sterilized the wounds and ensured speedy recovery.

The work of the Dioka was so important to the Oka man that, like the Nri in spiritual sphere, he became intertwined with the fabric of Oka social life.

A Dioka was also what Oka people called “Okwanka”, a skilled craftsman, a specialist.

Dioka came from Umudioka town in Dunukofia. A branch of them got established at Nneni, but those who came from Umudioka – Akpom.

When a child was to be circumcised it was the Umudioka man that did it.

When an Oka man grew to manhood, and was ready to found a compound of his own, and to pregnate women, he was forbidden by custom to do either, until he had undergone a ceremony called “Iwa eze”. It was the Dioka who, with his chisel, came to do it: he chiseled the front teeth into the required shape; and a feast was made for the occasion.

When a man who is to take the highest title in Oka, that of Ozo title. He could not do so until he had been given the “ichi” marks by the Dioka, that is, cicatrisation. It was an elaborate proceeding, infact a celebration, and the Dioka with his knife cut hachure on the face of the candidate, making parallel lines all over the face of the person, from the forehead to the chin. This scarification of the face was a mark of endurance and a test of manhood. The wounds later formed cicatrices which were considered a mark of manliness and distinction.

On the day of the ichi-making ceremony (mgbu ichi) there was feasting and merriment, and people made music in order to distract the candidate and prevent him from showing signs of pain, which would have been considered unmanly. In the olden days every Oka Ozo title holder had ichi marks.

Likewise, when a girl was to enter into womanhood, there was a ceremony performed for her called “Iru mkpu”. It was a ceremonial outing after a period of seclusion. All celebrants must have had the “mbubu” marks made on them by the Dioka. “Mbubu” were intricate patterns made on a girl’s body, starting from the neck and going down her belly to the beginning of the public hair. The patterns could be figures of butterflies or some other interesting objects, depending on the ingenuity of the Dioka. Inside the cut skin the Dioka inserted a pigment which gave the lines a dark colouring that remained so till the person’s death. Without “iru mkpu” there was no entry into the marriage state, and without the “mbubu” there was no “iru mkpu”.

In the days when tribal marks were vogue, when people of one tribe gave marks to themselves to distinguish themselves from others, Oka had a tribal mark of their own. It was called “nvo ngwele”. (Lizard’s foot). Every Oka man from the 1920 age-grade backwards had it. Those born after that date may or may not have it. It consisted of three short horizontal lines, parallel to one another, on either side of the face, a few millimeters from the corner of each eye. Anyone meeting an Oka man, and looking closely at his face, was likely to see the mark.

Apart from the ceremonial cicatrisation called ichi, mbubu, and the tribal marks, people ornamented their bodies by cutting into them decorative designs of their choice, like rings round the neck (called “nki”), flowers on the arms or legs, or patterns on the breasts.

The Diokas came (like the Nris), gave their services, received their payments, either in cash or in kind, and returned to their homes.

With the coming of the British, however, the work of the Dioka fell into desuetude. The social conditions that gave rise to the demand for it changed. Apart from circumcision, which is now been done by people other than the Diokas, no one ornaments his body in the old way anymore. Nevertheless, the existence of the Dioka played a very important role in the life of the Oka people in the days gone by.

A “Dioka” was the founder of the present Umudioka Village of Oka town.

The Ifiteana called themselves Umu - Okanube, after Okika-na-ube, the god they worshipped, and they established a market in his honour, which they named Oye-Okanube (popularly called Oye-Oka). The market was always called Oye – Okanube (Oye Oka) even when. The market was always called Oye-Okanube (Oye Oka) even when the village where it was established came to be known as Nwelle.

The Oye-Oka market square was the centre of Oka life of old, until 1928. there the Ifiteana people held their assemblies, and took decisions on war and peace; there they performed the ceremony of admitting a stranger to Oka citizenship; there they brought to a fitting end the performance of Ozo title; and there they tried cases of murder and other heinous offences. Nearby, not far from the market Square, was “Ukpaka Okwudo” – an oil been tree on which condemned persons were hanged.

By 1928, the British had come. And when the Oka people assembled there in that fateful year and took a decision to oppose taxation in Oka town, all the leading members of Oka community were arrested by the British and prosecuted. They were all jailed and sent to Asaba to serve their sentences.

The Oka people often recalled the memory of that traumatic experience by a crack they made about what they said the trumpets of the soldiers at Asaba (or Araba) were supposed to say on their morning parades; which sounded as if it was directed specially at the Oka prisoners. According to them, every morning the trumpets used to say

“Oganyala me mma, oganyala anolu bie,
Oganyala emegh mma, Oganyala eje na Araba tal avbuvbu
na avduvdu dun a Araba erike, rike, rike!
(If the rich man behaves himself, the rich man will stay Asaba and suffer,
and the suffering at Asaba is great, great, great!).

After that incident, the Oka people no longer held their mass meetings at Oye Okanube., they moved them indoors, to the compound of the Head of all Okas – the oldest Oka man alive at any one time, who was called “Otochal Oka”.

Also, near the Oye-Oka market place, in the same Nwelle Village, was the Shrine of the god Okanube himself, whose praise-name was “Ube-ful-na-Oye”, meaning, “the spear that pierced through to the Oye Market Square”, which was an allusion to the cave that began at Ogba stream, near what later became known as Awka Government Station, and opened out at Oye-Oka market place. This cave was used by the Ifiteana people for trial by ordeal, to try anyone accused of witchcraft, or other crimes which only the gods could find the truth of. Anyone who entered the cave at Ogba stream and came out alive at Oye market Square, was adjudged not guilty of the crime for which he was standing trial; but a guilty person never came out. A person entered the cave on the directions of the Ogba priest, whose home was in Amikwo Village.

In the ancient days, the Shrine of Okanube in Nkwelle Village, (in a grove of trees), was a very large Square, which was always scrupulously swept and kept clean. It was large enough to accommodate all the Ndichies of Oka – the very old people, of 70 years and upwards – who came to perform its sacrifice. These Ndichies were the oldest persons from every village; no young person attended.


During the sacrifice, the “nkwu” of the god (his altar), which was a piece of ivory (Okike) was brought out from its wrappings and displayed in the Shrine, and after the sacrifice it was sre-wrapped and taken away. Those who ate the feast of the sacrifice were those Ndichies. They alone knew and protected the mystery of the celebration.

Okike meant an elephant’s tusk, or a piece of ivory. The elephant’s tusk was an integral part of an Oka man’s life, both his social and religious life.

Okike, as the name of a thing, had many meanings in Oka.
There was Okike, which was a commodity sold for money, ordinary elephant’s tusk. From it ivory ornaments and jewelry were made by the Oka people, such as odu-okpa, oduaka, mkpalo – odu enyi – ivory trumpet and so on.

There was Okike, which was the ivory trumpet (odu enyi) used by the Okas on social occasions. It was the same elephant’s tusk but dressed and hollowed, with an opening at the top for blowing. It was used for Ajaghija title-taking, for marriage celebrations, and for burial ceremonies.

There was Okike, however, which was the movable altar (nkwu) of the god Okika-na-ube, as has been previously described. This Okike, (same elephant’s tusk, but decorated with carvings like the one used in the annual sacrifice) was a religious object, and had its replica in the ancestral Hall of every Oka family. It was kept very secret, as has been stated and was always wrapped in folds of cloth. On the day of sacrifice, the Umunna or the extended family, assembled in the Obu or ancestral Hall of the family (as the Ndichies assembled in Nkwelle). The compound gate was shut, and the Okike was brought out fro0m its hiding place. No one must touch it but the oldest member of the family, in whose custody it was. He alone unwrapped it and set it down. The sacrifice was then made. In all sacrifices to the gods the sacrificial animal was always killed over the altar of the god, but in the ase of Okike it was near it, not over it. This family Okike, which was the replica of the altar Okanube, was, like the original, a piece of ivory beautifully carved. It was hollowed inside. In the hollow was a stuffing, which represented the secret the Oka people were guarding. It was believed to be the preparation which the Ifiteana used in hunting the elephant – the source of their wealth – the recipe for which was passed down to them by their god, Okika-na-ube, the god that came out of Outer Space. After the sacrifice, the Okike was put back in its hiding place in the Obu, the gates of the compound were thrown open, and the animal killed in sacrifice was cooked and eaten by everybody present.

This sacrifice by families to Okanube – which was a private worship similar to that at Nkwelle at the Shrine of Okanube by the Oka Ndichies, which was a public worship – was made at yearly intervals: it was known as “nli Okike”, the feast of Okike, and was observed, up to the present time, by every Oka family.

Today, the once large Square at Nkwelle Village where the general sacrifice to Okanube was made has shrunken. The Ndichies no longer come there to make sacrifice to Okike-na-ube. The Shrine itself is now marked by a single iron staff topped with a small bell, in a small ticket of bushes. People have built houses around, and have encroached on the ancient Square, and so, only this little patch of bush now remains to mark the spot where the oldest of Oka gods was once worshipped, the god that gave Oka her name. (For identification, it is situated behind Emmanuel Nwune Nkwonta’s father’s compound in Agbana Quarter, Nkwelle Village, Oka).

Achallaoji people were the last to give food to Okike-na-ube, in place of Urueri, and the name of the last Priest of the god was Nwammuokwelozo, an expert uvbio drummer.

The life of the Oka man (otherwise known as Ifiteana man) was surrounded by religion; and everything was devoted to the worship of the gods, and seeking comfort and help from them. The strong belief of the Oka people in their gods and in their laws has enabled them to develop a firm standard of behaviour, which has carried them through the centuries of their existence. These their laws and customs, their technology, their skills in carving, their philosophy and view of life, were all indigenous to them, and were their own exclusive creative product.

As the men so the women! The women of Ifiteana, otherwise called Oka, were as independent, resourceful and wisdom-loving as their men. In Oka town men and women were equal, the only difference being that of sex. In their affairs the Oka people had no special consciousness of women as women: they took them for granted as equal partners.

The love of wisdom by the men also characterized the women.

The women’s mourning songs and dances, for example, showed their versatility and depth of thought.

When a daughter of the village died, married to another town (or another village in Oka), the men of her village sent out a town-crier with a cracked gong (which made no musical sound) announcing.

Chime! Olegh!
Anyi g eje ga pata ozu nwa ada-ora echi nine-o-o-o!
We shall to tomorrow to bring home the corpse of a daughter of our village).

That meant no one was to go to work. All must go to bring home the corpse.

The daughters of the village, for themselves, wherever they were married, congregated at the home of the deceased’s husband. They spent the night there, watching over the corpse, and awaiting the coming of their brothers and their wives on the morrow.

The married women of her father’s village, for their own part, went round Oka in the night, singing and beating on either a calabash or a wooden drum – ekwe- announcing the death of the daughter of the village. At every village Square they came to in Oka they made the following announcement (for example).

Announcer: Inyem Umuzocha-o-o
Onye je ne kwe ivbe echi-o-o
Ivbe na emee olu avuru-o-o
Na nwamgboye Obunyamel shil onye je ne ivbe echio-o-o
Onye jel ivbe echi-o-o
Onu na ukwu nese-o-o!

Chorus: oo – oo – oo – oo”

Then the beating of the calabash or ekwe followed.
What they said was:
Women of Umuzocha Village!
Let no one go to work tomorrow!
For something can happen that could prevent all work,
And Nwagboye Obunyamel (the deceased) has said that no
One should go to work tomorrow,
And one that goes to work tomorrow,
Forty

Very early in the morning, on the morrow at about 5a.m. the same women assembled in the Village Square and sang and danced four funeral dirges to the deceased. They sang:-

1. Eze di ibo-e-e, ezi di ibo,
ezi ogbie aduro iche, ezi di ibo,
ezi amadi aduro iche, ezi di ibo
E-e- ezi di ibo-e-e-e ezi di ibo!
(The road to death is only one road,
There is no road for the rich and one for the poor,
Rich and poor go by the road
There are no two ways but one!).

2. Uzu egbe, uzu egbe,
Onwu du na mpoto ede,
Uzu egbe,
Onye gajie ojutulu ya,
Uzu egbe
Onwu du na odudu igu,
Uzu egbe
Onye gajie ojutulu ya,
Uzu egbe!

3. Ayam me - e - e - e - e - e - e - e e e
Ayam mme - e,
Ogoli mutal nnwa ra,
Odonye ga amul ya nnwia?
Ayam mme – e
Odonye ga anulia die,
Ayam mme – e!

(A woman that dies and leaves her child,
Who will mother her child for her?
A woman that dies and leaves her husband,
Who will be a wife to him?)
Meaning: the woman should not have died yet!!

4. E - e – e - e iye – e!
E - e – e - e iye – e!
Uno buo lina ya abia ino, Iye – e!
N aonwul onwu keshi anwu, Iye – e!
N a omere ivbe ana na aso, iye – e!
E - e – e - e iye – e!

(Distance the four funeral dances for her!
For she has died as we die!
She has committed no abomination,
She has died a good death!
Iye – e!).

After this, they got ready with the men to go and bring home the corpse

While the men preceded them with their single drum and a gun, the women followed behind singing their marching songs:-

(i) Iwo na ewo anyi
Iwo-o-o-, emelio, Iwo
Iwo na ewo anyi,
Na anyi avburo nwa Ada-ora
Ma anyi vbulu nwa Ada-ora.
Ma Iwo adoru anyi na obu-o
Iwo!!

We are angry,
We are very angry,
We are angry
Because we have not seen our daughter,
If we had seen our daughter,
Our anger would have abated,
We are angry!!).

Then they addressed the dead daughter of the village thus:
(ii) Nwa Ada-ora, ebene!
Ebe ne na anyi abia –o!
Nwa Ada Ogbul-agu ebene!
Ebene na anyi abia-o,
Ebene, ebene, ebene na anyi abia-o!

Don’t cry our daughter!
Don’t cry, for we are coming to take you home!
Don’t cry!
Daughter of Amudo Village, don’t cry!
Don’t cry, don’t cry, don’t cry, for we are coming!!).

And when they got near to the deceased’s husband’s house they sang a warning song:

(iii) Shi enine, shi enine-o! Shi enine o!
Shi enine Nwa Ada, Shi enine-o!
Enie nye anyi avo-o! Shi enine-o
(Don’t bury her, don’t bury her!
Don’t bury our daughter, don’t bury!
If you bury her, we’II exhume
Don’t bury!!)
When the women entered the husband’s compound, they went straight to where their daughter was lying in state, and wailed over her. After that, they came out and formed dancing lines, and danced to her the funeral dances called Egwu Idine.

The husband’s family then brought out the entitlements of the men, and the women, according to custom and gave to each group. Having satisfied themselves that their entitlements were correct, the men took up the corpse, and shot their gun into the air. Then singing.

Nwa Ada ana,
Iyom!
Nwa Ada ana,
Iyom!

They circled the husband’s compound with the corpse carried on their head and then went straight home at a run, beating the lone drum they carried. The women ran after the men, singing in chorus:

Nwa Ada ana,
Iyom!
(Our daughter is going home!
Yes!
Our daughter is going home!!
Yes!).

At the father’s compound, the coffi was opened for her relatives to see deceased daughter for the last time, and to cover her with their own cloth. Then was buried.

Oka, land of the Ifiteana was unique in Igboland and unique in history.

Chapter 2 The Oka Man or the Making of a People

Amu kene vbe nna.

(Let the free born thank his ancestors).
- Oka title name

Oka was an amalgam of people. They came from different places, at different times, and became welded into one people. How long the welding process took, how many centuries it spanned, is left to future researchers to unravel. But the product was real enough – the Oka man of today.

“Nwa Oka” (Nwoka), son or daughter of Oka, was governed by definite rules of conduct from his cradle to his grave. The discipline infused by those rules of conduct, or laws, produced the homogeneity which others saw, and admired in the Oka people.

Those rules of conduct were definite, detailed, and covered by aspect of an Oka man’s life; so that, by their existence, they attested to the antiquity of Oka town-for they must have taken centuries of usage, and of trial and error, before they could have become so generally accepted, and enforced, as law, among the people. The Oka man was a creature of his laws.

From the time he was in his mother’s womb up till he was dead and put in the ground, he was subject to rules – clear-cut and unequivocal. His whole social life, his whole economic activity, his participation in the politics of his town, his religion, had all their own sets of rules, which he must observe. It was this fact of personal discipline and orderliness, more than anything else that made the Oka man somewhat different from people of other culture in Igbo land. Every detail of his life was governed rules of conduct dictated by his laws and sanctioned by his religion.

Pregnancy: when a pregnant Oka wife was eight months gone, she began to make ready for the birth of her child.

As soon as she entered her ninth month the first sacrifice was made for her in Obu (the ancestral Hall) of the husband, to facilitate easy birth. The sacrifice consisted of a fowl, some yams, and palm wine; and the family members (the Umunna) were present. Before the sacrifice was made, the closest relation of the husband (not the husband himself) took the woman aside, and said to her “We are about to make sacrifice to the gods for the well-being of yourself and your unborn child: ‘Iji ivbi?’”, meaning, do you have any act of adultery to confess? If she said no, the sacrifice proceeded; but if she said yes, then she named the person with whom she has had extra-marital intercourse. The sacrifice was postponed, and a day was fixed for the ceremony of cleansing. A message was sent to the man named, and his family, and the cost of reparation named. The cost of reparation, or atonement, depended on the relationship between the two families, that is, what one family had demanded from the other family in similar circumstances in the past. Some demanded a some of money, but generally the production of a chick for the cleansing ceremony was considered adequate. Whatever it was, however, it must come from the man named.

On the day of the cleansing, a palm frond was attached to the leg of the chick and after a religious ceremony; it was taken outside the compound and killed, and thrown away. Evil had been cleansed! The postponed sacrifice then took place; and the woman was ready for confinement, and could be delivered of her baby safely.

A woman who committed adultery and refused to confess was believed to have very difficult labour, and could die in it.

The shame of confession was believed to keep a woman on the straight and narrow path!

When the woman felt her labour coming the midwife was called in. other women went out to help. In ancient days there were no maternities where women went to be delivered. The midwives came to them, and the delivery took place behind the woman’s house. The back of a woman’s house was known as “mgbuluno”.

The child was taken to it’s mother’s ogbolodo – it’s mother’s house –not yet to the Obu – the father’s ancestral Hall; and if it’s mother had no house of her own yet, then to the father’s mother’s ogbolodo.

In those days men and women did not live in the same house, much less in the same room! Men and their Obu, where they stayed in the daytime, and received visitors; and an uno-nga where they retired at night (their private house which was also called “ovbe”). Wives had each their own house, called ogbolodo or unokwu (or in general Igbo language, mkpuke). A wife went to the husband’s house when invited.

The woman lay with her child on mgbo-wooden bed made of iroko planks without any covering on it; the child was placed on some cloth beside the mother, or, where there was no cloth, on some plantain leaves used as a mat.

8th Day: (Izu n ‘abo): On the 8th day after birth, after the umbilical cord had fallen, the Oka child was circumcised. In the male it consisted of removing the foreskin of the penis; in the female of removing the clitoris, called “mgbama” (the betrayer). The purpose of female circumcision was to make a girl less libidinous, and, therefore, harder to be deceived by men when grown up, and, therefore, a more independent person.

12th Day: (Izu n’nato nnwa): “Ummune –ime-uno”, the inner family,(not yet the extended family ) were invited. Palm wine and a quantity of foofoo were provided in the Obu. This was to celebrate the survival of the child for three native weeks. Prayers were said. The mother and the child did not appear.

28th Day: (Izu Asa: Naming the Child): (The extended family (Umunna, properly so called) were invited. Members of the village were also invited. The in-laws, that is, the family of the child’s mother, were invited; so were the father’s mother’s people’ and friends. Every one was well entertained with food and drinks.

What happened:
(1) The hair with which the child was born was shaved of. This hair was called “abannya”. The abannya was thrown into the avbajioku – which was a small round fence in the compound made by a male who had taken Chi title. (The umbilical cord had previously dropped on the 5th day, or before, or a little later, that is, between 4 to 6 days. The dropped cord was taken to any land of the child’s father, and put in the “ibana nkwu”, that is, between the palm branch and the trunk of a palm tree where the palm branch starts growing out. The palm tree was usually a young palm. The palm tree was thenceforth called “Nkwu Ana” of that child and remained the child’s property absolutely all its life.

The child owned the palm tree, not the land, (for the land might be communal to the whole family).

(2) The child was given a name. The mother was called to bring the child to the Obu. The Head of the family (the “Head” of a family in Oka was always the oldest male member of that family) received the child outside and took it in his arms round the Obu house once, and then brought it in.

Previously the Head of the family has ascertained from the father of the child what name he would give the child. He then said: “Our child, your name is Nwudealo” (or a girl’s name if a girl). He blessed the child and gave him a gift, and handed it back to the mother. The Head of the family could give a name of his own too to the child; the mother could give a name; and her family could also give a name. They said to the child, now in its mother’s arms: “Abuom ghu Nebuwa” (I give you the name Nebuwa), and so on. Each naming was followed by a gift. All these named belonged to the child, and it was thereafter known by whichever was the most popular. All those present gave gifts to the child, no matter how small; - this was known as “mkpo iru oma n “uwa”- starting the child off well on its earthly journey, with joyous gifts.

Before this ceremony, the child could not be taken into the Obu, but after it, it could be taken there any time. For a boy this was his first visit to the Obu which, if he was the first-born, he would later inherit.

On Cutting teeth: The teeth on the lower jaw must come out first. If the teeth of the upper jaw first appeared the child had done an unnatural act, and it was given away to the Nris, or just done away with. This was the second law the child must not transgress. The first law was that it must not come out of the womb feet first; if that happened it was killed. Variation from the known was heavily penalized! Mother tried to help their children by rubbing their lower gums to make the appearance of the lower teeth easier.

As soon as the child cut its teeth that is as soon as a lower tooth appeared, a small ceremony was performed for it. Those who first witnessed the appearance of the tooth rejoiced with the child by giving it gifts. This was the meaning of the saying “Anara agba aka aghu nwata eze “(you don’t examine the child’s jaw to see if a tooth had appeared for nothing). The child was now reckoned as a person – as an Oka person. Until the tooth appeared the child had no such status.

If a child died after cutting its teeth, funeral ceremonies were performed for it. Otherwise, not. In the evening of the day of the burial the young men of the village went to dance in his honour, if male. But if female, the following morning, the daughter of the village went to dance a kind of dance called “Egwu Aka” (hand- clapping- dance). No instruments were used. In the night they danced the “Egwu-Udu” dance, in which musical instrument made of earthen pots were used. They danced till cock-crow. And that ended the funeral ceremonies for the child.

If a child had not cut teeth, none of this was done. As soon as the corpse of such a child was burial, everyone dispersed –it was held that he was not yet an Oka man: “Oka aburo mmadi” – he is not yet one of us.

Ishi nwa Oka: Every child that had cut its teeth was reckoned as an Oka man, or woman; and every Oka man must be accounted for.

There was a saying,”ishi nwa oka anara ato na mba “meaning, no Oka man or woman must be allowed to perish in a foreign land, unavenged. And so, if an Oka woman was married away from home and died, the Oka people must go and bring home the corpse; and bury it in Oka if a man on journey died abroad, those who were near him must arrange to convey the corpse home to Oka. If for some reason, that was impossible, then the corpse was buried in the foreign land, but those doing the burial must touch the body with Omu (palm-frond) and bring home the Omu. The entered Oka at night, and hid some where till cock- crow. As soon as it was cock-crow they crept quietly into the person’s compound, or if the gate was locked, they used every pretext to gain entrance, and then they fired a gun in the air within the compound, and shouted out the name of the deceased. This was called “mghasu ozu“(announcing a death).There was general wailing.

At day break, funeral ceremonies began, as if the corpse was physically present. At the end of the ceremonies the omu was buried in the ground.

Those who came to announce the death of a deceased Oka man must give a meticulous account of how he died. Everybody listened attentively. Everybody must be satisfied that there was no foul play. If any doubt was created, Oka ordered an investigation, and if the investigation revealed that the Oka man did not die a natural death, but was murdered by some people, then there was war between Oka and the town whose people were responsible, then was why most of the wars fought by the oka people centered around people killing oka citizens. It was the capacity for immediate retaliation that made it possible for Oka people to travel safely throughout those parts of Nigeria where they journeyed to make a living before the coming of the British.

When the corpse of an Oka man was brought home, everybody went to see it, for the same reason – to be sure that he was not unlawfully killed; and the relatives must touch the body. Every Oka man who was ill abroad always expressed the wish to be taken home to Oka to die, “so that my people may touch my body” (ka ndu be anyi metum aka).

Agu Ceremony: Some time after the child had cut its teeth the “Agu” ceremony was performed for it. The time for this ceremony depended on the father’s circumstances, because the ceremony cost some money. It could be said to be the first Oka “title” for the child. And if it could be called a title, then it was the only one that could be taken by a female in Oka town!

“Agu” was an elaborate ritual, or ceremony, by which a deceased ancestor was identified, or chosen and attached to a child as that child’s guardian spirit, to lead it through its life here on earth.

The child was not perceived as a re-embodiment of the ancestor selected for it, that is to say, the child was not a re—embodiment of its ancestor physically. Both were separate beings; one existed in the spirit-world, and the other in the human world, at the same time. The one in the spirit-world was present, as a spirit, with the one in the human world, and followed him about through all the vicissitudes of life, protecting him from harm not decreed for him. It was the child’s patron.

This ancestor, when identified, was called “Chi” of the child, “Chi-nke-mmadi”, meaning, “patron-spirit who is attached to and looks after an individual and was once himself (or herself) a human being”. The other “Chi” in Oka religion, was “Chi – Ukwu” (Chikwu) – the Creator God the Spirit that created the whole world and everything in it, both living and dead and looked after all.

By means of this concept of spirit-patronage, the Oka child was linked to its ancestors.

Oka people venerated their forbears, and deceased relations. They never forgot them. Through this act the present was bonded with the past. Oka united!!

Oka people believed in the imperishability of the human spirit, or soul. They believed that when a person died it was his physical body that died, but not his soul. The soul, or spirit, the Oka people called “mmuo”. When a person died they said, “o naa mmuo” – he has gone to the spirit world.

They believed that the spirit continued to live after the physical body had died, but that it lived in the spirit-world, which was not visible to the humans.

They also believed that after a time the spirit returned to the human world, and took on a physical body. The re-embodiment spirit then lived on earth again until it’s span of life once again ended, and it reverted to a spirit. After a lapse of time it again returned to earth-life, and again resumed a physical existence in another human body. They believed that a spirit returned to earth in this way, again and again, seven times, in order to gain all kinds of experience. Sometimes, it came back as a very poor person, and sometimes as a very wealthy person. When, eventually, it ceased to come back, it had become no more “mmuo mmadi” (a human spirit); it had become a god, loosing all links for ever with the world of the living.

That was re-incarnation, as the Okas believed it. Hence, an Oka woman would be heard to say, “Uwam uwa asa agam abu oka”, meaning in each of the seven periods of my existence on this earth I will always be an Oka person!

But this re-incarnation has nothing to do with the Agu ceremony. That ceremony was simply discovered the person who was the patron-spirit of a child, its Chi “Onye nolu onye but Chi-e”, was an Oka saying. He who is the patron – spirit of person is his Chi. And when an Oka woman exclaimed “Mu na Chim!”She meant “what my guardian spirit and I have agreed upon”, meaning, it is my luck, it is my destiny!.

Even though it was human beings that made the selection of a patron spirit for a child, the ritual made it appear, during the Agu ceremony, as if it was the Spirit itself that chose the child, and not the other way round!

Oka called being a patron spirit to a child “nno uwa”.

When the Ago ceremony was performed for a child, the child was ceremonially linked, or tied to its ancestors of forbears and in that way the corporate unity of Oka was preserved; the dead members of the family were linked to the living members of the family.

Oka people believed that their community was made up of the living and the dead, co-existing. The dead came back to inhabit their former compounds after the full funeral unseen. From the spirit world they influenced events for good or for bad. The living, therefore, made sacrifices to them with whatever they ate or drank, and called on them for help. Before drinking any wine the Oka man first poured a libation to these departed ancestors, (that is, giving them their share) and he sacrificed a bit of every food he ate to them, by throwing a morsel outside. Thus, in order to preserve the bond between those who had passed away (lest they be forgotten) and those still alive, every child born must have chosen for it a patron, or a guardian, among the departed relatives. The patron spirit once chose for it a patron, or a guardian, among the departed relatives. The patron spirit once chosen took on the task of looking after the child, and guiding it, and protecting it, through life. The ritual for ascertaining who this patron-spirit was the Agu ceremony.

On the day of the Agu ceremony two Dibies were invited.

“Dibie” was what Europeans called “native doctor” or “medicine man”.

There were two kinds of Dibie in Oka, namely, Dibies who gave medicines to cure illness only (doctors simpliciter), and Dibies who gave medicines and at the same time, knew the art of dividing the will of the gods (doctors cum diviners). This latter class of Dibie was known as “diviners” (ndu avba).

Dibies, of all kind, served apprenticeship, just like blacksmiths, for seven years or more.

The Debie-diviners were the most powerful in the community, because they ascertained the wishes of the gods. They used different means to do this: some worked with sand-making marks on a small heap of sand, and finding answers to questions from the marks; some worked with mirrors-they were called ‘ose nabo’-they stared into the mirrors and revealed the wish of the gods; other used “ukpukpa” – the shells of the ogbono seeds – which were strung together on thin rope, and flung on the ground: the gods spoke through the manner in which the ukpkpa shells fell, some falling face up, and some falling face down.

For Agu ceremonies in Oka, the diviners who worked with ukpukpa shells were called.

Before the Debies began their work, kola nut was presented, broken, and eaten.

Those present at the ceremony were usually the Umunna (extended family) of the child, his mother’s people (ndu ikwunnie), and the generality of the villagers, including the elders.

After the kolanut, the Debies began their work, to ascertain which spirit had indicated its wish to be the guardian of the child.

First of all, they inquired for the health and well-being of the compound into which they had come – called “avba ndu”.

The techniques of divination, that is, finding out the wishes of the gods, in Oka was called “avba”. Oka people had no illusion about what avba was. They said “avba bu uche”, meaning, divination is nothing but common sense.

After “avba ndu”, the relatives of the child put the question to the recited “onye no-o?”, who sponsors the child that it may live?

The diviners, each working on his own, threw their ukpukpa shells, and recited their incantations, in their effort to discover the patron-spirit.

The child’s relatives urged them on, and the Debies prompted the gods by saying such things as:

“Okpukpu na mme, nya nwelu”, let the willing spirit win the child, let the spirit that first indicated its interest in the child, be its guardian come out now and say so, or,

“Okpulu na mme nya nwelu”, let the willing spirit win the child, let the spirit that first indicated its interest in the child, be its guardian, let there be no rivalry, (a dispute among the gods as to who was to be the patron spirit of a child called “nzo uwa”).

The Debies having appealed to the gods in this wise for the true guardian to manifest himself, the child’s relatives suggested names to the Debies. They asked:

Is it A? Each Dibie threw his shells, and answered, No. they asked, it is B? The answer again was, No. they asked again, is it C? The same negative answer was given. Then they asked, is it D? The diviners, after consulting the avba, answered, one after the other, Yes! There would be general jubilation. D had revealed himself, or herself, as the patron spirit, or guardian-spirit, and, if the patron had held a title-name before he died, the child was saluted by that title-name.

The clue to the answers given by the Debies was that the ritual demanded that tour names should be suggested to the Dibies, and that the fourth name should be the right none. This fourth name was secretly given before-hand to the Dibies by the father of the child. But the whole ceremony was always made very dramatic and impressive. That was why a known thief, or a murderer, never became anybody’s patron-spirit – ‘ogara anu uwa’ na Oka.

As soon as the correct name was pronounced (confirming the father’s choice), there was general rejoicing and congratulations. A piece of dried fish, dipped in oil, was put into the mouth of the child, and a bit of an ovbe lead which had been prepared. A fowl was brought, and the first sacrifice was made to the child’s patron-spirit – its Chi.

Foods and drinks were served to all those present, according to their group. What was usually provided at an Agu ceremony was plentiful supply of “aku and ukpaka. It was eaten with dried fish. Eight plates of this were provided; two plates went to the child’s mother’s people, four plates to the villagers present, and two plates to the Dibies. In addition, one gallon of palm wine was given to the Dibies, and they were paid whatever fees had been agreed upon. In respect of the drinks, the child’s mother’s people were given two gallons of palm wine, and the villagers three gallons.

Agu ceremony was always a joyous occasion at any time among the oka people.

Titles After the Agu ceremony, which could be said to be the preliminary to all title-taking in Oka town, the Oka man moved on in life, taking appropriate titles as he went along.

A boy’s father, if he was able to do so, performed for him the next real title, which was “Amanwulu” title. Where the father had not done so for the son, the son did it for himself when he grew up.

“Amanwulu” was the first real title in Oka, the first investment. Apart from being an investment its significance was very great. It was the title that decided the status of every Oka male. A foreigner, or a person not a freedom of Oka, could not take it; and not having taken it he could not take any title in Oka town.

An Oka man who had not taken the Amanwulu title was in the class of people called “Ogbodu”, meaning, a mere man, just-a-body-moving-about!

He who had taken the Amanwulu title had proved himself to be a freedom of Oka, not a slave or a foreigner.

The titled in its shortened form, was performed for a non-Oka man, whom Oka decided to honour to make him a citizen of Oka. It was the only method of naturalization used by the Oka people. A person around whose feet the Oka people put the “ona Amanwulu” (otherwise known as “Ona Okpa”) – the copper anklet of an Amanwulu celebrant – was made an Oka citizen. For purposes of naturalization it was called “ona-ana-ana”, meaning, “the anklet that removes you from a temporary sojourner in Oka to a permanent member of the town, never to return to your former home”.

The ceremony of giving “ona-ana-ana” to non-natives of Oka town living in Oka was used at significant periods in Oka history, as will be told in later chapters.

The Amanwulu title was so important that no one considered himself too old to perform it, even though some of the ceremonies done during its celebration more properly belonged to people of younger age. Hence, non-Oka people taunted Oka with the fact, by saying, “Oka nee vu amanwulu na nka!” meaning “Oka people that perform the Amanwulu title even when they have grown old!”.

The titles in Oka, and how they were performed, are more fully described in another chapter. It is sufficient to mention them briefly here:

After Amanwulu, the next title was Chi.

“Chi” was a title; but it also meant a festival devoted to mothers, that is in honour of all Oka mothers.

On the performance of Chi title, the Oka man had taken the first step on the ladder of social eminence. He then selected his first title-names, by which he was agreed. He acquired the right to carry as a staff called “mkpalo”, which was the small side-tooth of an elephant, beautifully carved in the Oka fashion.

The next title was “Avbiajioku” (or Ivbijioku). In the olden days money was not used for this title but yams. The young Oka man must have become a substantial farmer before he could afford the title.

Next, came the Ajaghija title – the much sought after title! The Oka man was then among the Nzes. He had arrived! He took four title-names, and carried “Ngwu-Ajaghija” as his staff – an iron staff, much like that of the Ozo men, but without the bulbous middle.

Then the Oka man went for the Ozo title, the highest title of all. He was then on top! He took eight title-names, and carried the “Ngwu Ozo” staff, called! ”Ngwu Aghiliga”.

There was the last title of them all called Vbum. But very few people ever performed it. It was for those who were very wealthy, and who had numerous offspring. The requirements for it had no count. It was a kind of sacrifice or thanksgiving to the gods for being blessed with superabundance of material things.

Founding a Family: When the Oka man reached the age of taking a wife and founding his own family, he could not marry before he had undergone the ceremony of “Iwa eze”. It was done by a dioka, who chiseled his front teeth to make an opening between the two upper teeth – a mark of endurance.

After that, the Youngman’s father showed him his own living land to found his compound. He walled it round and built himself a house. But before he moved into it he must first marry a wife, and plant “Ogbu Chi” in front of the house. This was a religious ceremony in the new compound, which was done by planting a cutting from an Ogbu tree, giving shade where future ceremonies were performed in the compound. On the death of the Oka man his Ogbu Chi was cut down during his funeral ceremonies, broken into pieces, and thrown away.

Marriage: Di Oka anara avu avu (Oka marriage is indissoluble).

Marriage in Oka was a contract between families. The couple agreed with each other to marry, thereafter their families took the stage. Negotiations followed, anf the two families agreed the dowry to be paid for the girl, and it was paid. Then the different stages of the marriage rite were followed, such as, the girl going to inspect her future home (nne ne uno), and the girl being shown to the husband’s village people (nse nete ivbe mmia-taking back the empty jar of palm wine). Lastly, came the solemnization of the marriage. It was called “mgbu okuku onye uwa”. On that day the family of the bridegroom went with him to the house of the bride, taking with them: one hen, eight big yams, N1.20 (out of which the girl’s father took 60k and his extended family took 60k), ten gallons of palm wine, eight kolanuts, one big goat, and a bottle of hot drinks. They were sumptuously entertained.

Then they presented the things they had brought. The hen was taken outside by a senior member of the family of the girl and killed, after he had blessed the bride and the bridegroom. Then the slaughtered hen and one piece of yam out of the eight presented were given to the women of the house to prepare the ceremonial meal: They cooked the yam and pounded it into foofoo, which was divided into two parts. The fowl was used to prepare a kind of soup called “obobo” which no vegetables used, and no other ingredients except salt and pepper, nor any fish, and no oil. One wing of the fowl was put in a dish with some of the soup, and set before the bridegroom’s people, together with them for the first time.

The family of the girl took the rest of the fowl and the soup, and the remainder of the pounded yam. They ate this, and every male present took at least a morsel of the food, all dipping their hands into the same dish.

That was the ceremonial meal that sealed the marriage contract. After that meal, prepared with the things brought by the husband’s people, the girl became their wife.

The bridegroom and his family then prepared to go. The Head of the girl’s family (nor her father) called the girl, and taking her hand in his, placed it into the hands of the oldest member of the bridegroom’s party, (not the bridegroom’s himself) saying: “Take our daughter, she is your wife, look after her well, and upon the families of the two parties. The oldest member from the bridegroom’s side responded, thanking the girl’s family. Then they took the girl home, blowing their ivory trumpet – Okike – all the way in joy.

While the procedure for the dissolution of an Oka marriage was quite simple, the actual practice was more difficult. The reason was that both families were involved nothing could be done without them, and the man’s family usually refused any divorce.

In law, for a husband to dissolve a marriage, he simply took some of his family with him and returned the girl to her people, with a statement that the marriage had ended, and that his dowry should be refunded if and when she remarried

For a girl to dissolve the marriage, she just went back home, and a message was sent to the husband’s people to come and take their dowry; when that was done, the marriage ended. Any issues of the marriage were taken by the husband’s family.

If a woman has had children, and was a grown-up woman, it was impossible to divorce her in Oka. The husband’s family usually forced him to build a house of her own for her within the compound, where she could live with her children, without having contact with the husband. But they refused that she should be sent back home and abandoned.

A younger woman was more easily divorced, because she had more chances of a re-marriage, but only if the family supported the divorce because of her bad character.

An Oka wife and her husband could live apart for twenty years or more, so that people forgot that they were husband and wife, and still come together again. That was why it was said that Oka marriages were indissoluble; no matter how long the separation, there was always a chance of coming together.

Death of the Oka man: The Oka man did not die when his corpse was first buried: he was said to have gone on a journey! He only “died” when his second funeral ceremonies were about to begin! Then, in the evening of the day before the ceremonies, a gun was shot into the air in his compound. This announced to Oka that the Oka man was officially dead, and that the following day the second-burial ceremonies called “Ogbugba Uta” would begin. The announcement was called “Ndasu”.

“Ndasu” was different from “Ntisu”.

Ndasu was the formal announcement that an Oka person was dead, (even though the body had been buried) and that the second-burial ceremonies were about to start.

“Ntisu” meant the announcement of the death by the wailing of the relatives of the deceased, at the time of the person’s actual death, whereby people knew that somebody had died. Until the family had prepared the body by washing, anointing or dressing it, and sweeping the compound, they did not cry. Any body who gave way to grief was hushed, and told to control herself, “aka etisuro-kwie”, meaning, “Don’t invite Oka into the compound with your wailing, we are not yet ready”. But when everything was ready, then lamentation began, and people rushed into the compound in large numbers. That was what was called “Ntisu”.

Burial: Oka had strict rules for burying the dead. There were rules about how a corpse was prepared and put in the ground; rules for men, rules for women, and rules for children.

An Oka man with Chi title, or a higher title, was buried with “mgbo oji” coffin consisting of iroko planks.

A man who had not performed any title was buried with palm branches shorn of the leaves. Three poles were tied together with tie-tie from the palm branches, one pole to rest the body upon, and two poles to support the sides.

A slave was buried with three planks of soft wood (mgbo akpu, that is, cotton wood tree), and his grave was dug – not with the normal hoe – but with the little hoe called “akakpulu ogu”. There was a saying: Nwa oru na amu nwa oru ibie amu na eji akakpulu enie, mgbe nkie luolu kedi ivbe ge meni? Meaning, the slave that laughs at another slave because he is being buried with the small hoe (akakpulu), what will happen when his turn comes?

Second Burial Ceremonies: the meaning of “second burial” “Nkwa Ozu”, was simply this: Death does not give notice of its coming, “Onwu anara aka agba”. Therefore, unless in the case of very old person, no one ever prepared for it. Even where a person had been ill for a long time there was always a hope that he would recover.

But an Oka man did not depart to the great beyond without having his social rights and entitlements given to him, particularly in the field of cultural activities in which he had participated during his lifetime (quite apart from the religious ceremonies connected with actual burial).

According to Oka beliefs, the first burial disposed of the physical body; the second burial sent off the spirit on its way. Unless that second burial was done the spirit of the deceased hovered, waiting, in the human world, and could become pernicious or harmful out of frustration. That was why it must be done, “Okwukwa”. During okwukwa things were done for the deceased which he had participated in doing on earth, such as games and songs. Okwukwa meant giving to the deceased his due, paying a debt due to him and sending him off content that he could now forget the earthly world.

It was done for all, male and female, except for those who had died by hanging for murder or who had committed suicide. But, even then, the friends of such people could do something symbolically for them. For instance, by reason of the performance of this office by his friend for him, Nwabunwanne was saved from the dead.

Nwabunwanne was a flutist of note. His oja never failed to move people.

He was a native of Okperi Quarter of Amiko Village. He had a quarrel with his family. So, one early morning they propped up a dead woman against a plantain tree and woke him up, asking him to bring out his gun, that a thief was around. He brought out his gun, and shot it in the directions of the corpse. The corpse was that of a woman of Nibo town married at Amikwo. Having shot his gun, his people said that he had killed the woman.

Nibo people came and demanded justice.

Oka met and decided that Nwabunwanne was guilty of murder and was to hang. He was taken to Akpaka - Okwudo at Umuayom village, with Oka and Nibo people present. He was hanged and voided. Nibo people tested and found him dead. He was cu down.

Nwabu had a close friend of the same age-grade as himself, one Nwigwebuike Mgbolo of Isiagu Amikwo Village. Nwigwebuike demanded that he should not be buried till after he had sung to him the songs of their youth. Nwabu had then been tied of akpalata, ready for burial. Akpalata was a contraption of three palm branches tied together; a manner of burial for an Oka man without title

Nwigwebuike then started to sing to him, that is, what Oka called “mma mbem” – a song of lamentation. He called him by his various greeting names, and reminded him of what they had done together in their youth. As he sang, the corpse appeared to him to move.

Nwigwebuike sent for water, as if to drink; and asked people to give him chance. Then he loosened the cords with which the corpse had been tied to the akpalata, and began to sprinkle it with water. The corpse moved again. Nwigwebuike sent for a number of trusted friends. Other people thought that those called were to help him bury the corpse. (Since he was only hanged, and had not committed suicide, Oka people could bury him). The people called came, and pretended to be getting ready to bury the corpse. At night, in the dark, they took Nwabu on their backs, and going through bushes, brought him to the house of Okolobu Ezikuno at Avbo Mkpukpa in Umudioka Village. They carried him into the inner house called “unonga”.

There, Nwakuozo Uzekwe, wife of Okolobu, ground uvbuo – red camwood and continually rubbed Nwabunwanne down with it all over his body. He was put over an agodo – a raffia palm platform – with fire underneath. He was recovering. At the end of another twenty-eight days he was well. His body was then decorated with uli and uli-ogbu. Very early in the morning, on the fifty-sixth day after he was supposed to have died, at the second cock-crow, Nwabunwanne took up his oja flute, and began to flute.

People who heard him, said, “This sounds like Nwabunwanne’s flute”. By daylight, Nwigwebuike, his friend came singing from Amikwo village. Oka went wide with excitement, and stampeded to the house of Okolobu to see Nwabu. Nwabu then came out, and started dancing and fluting and making merry, saying “He who has done nothing, nothing can happen to him”. He lived to a very ripe age thereafter.

The send-off events cost money and the higher the position of the deceased person in society the costlier the activity marking his send-off. Therefore, when a death occurred there was never enough time to raise the money for the send-off events, otherwise known as “okwukwa”, (nkwa mmadi or nkwa ozu). But since the burial of a dead body could not be postponed indefinitely the idea was evolved of burying the body first, and performing the send-off ceremonies later.

This ‘later’ might be a matter of days, weeks, months or even years. Where the person whose responsibility it was to foot the bill was a small boy, and there was no one able to come to his aid, his parents’ send-off was postponed till the boy had grown to manhood, and was able to do it himself.

Whatever time it took, however, this send-off or demonstration of respect at the departure of a person or “okwukwa”, must be performed for every Oka man or woman. And when it was done, it was called “second burial” in the English language or “okwukwa” in Oka. The funeral activities marking the “okwukwa” of a man were called “mgba egwu - Idine”, meaning, burial dances. And unless and until the second burial ceremonies were performed for a man, his relatives did not share his estate “akwacha ozu, elivbe ekpe. And if only one person did the ceremonies for the deceased, whereas he had sons and other relatives able, but unwilling to do it, that man controlled the estate, until such time as his expenses were fully reimbursed him.

The closing ceremony of the second burial of an Oka man was the Abia dance. After the general songs and dances, games and masquerading, that ritual took place in front of his compound, performed by members of his village who had no fathers living. They alone could dance to the Abia drum.

Hoe and cutlass, Oshiama and otutu, implements for carving were all displayed. And the ram was fettered and standing.

A dancer came out and took up a hoe; he made the motions of hoeing a ridge. The Abia drum beat out its wired music. Then he put down the hoe and took up the cutlass; he made motions of cutting the bush. Next, he took up the anvil and the hammer and made as if he was smithing. Having danced that, he took up the plane and pared away a piece of wood, ready for carving. Lastly, he carried up the ram and hoisted it upon his shoulders and danced round a bit with it. Then the music stopped.

Another person took the floor. All those who danced did the same things. As they danced they shouted: Isugada, Isugada, Isugada!!

At the end of the dance, the ram was killed and cooked there in the open and eaten by the participants; nothing was left over, every scrap of meat must be eaten. And that ended the second burial ceremonies of a man.

The Abia drumming was called Egwu Isugada. Only those who had lost their fathers could dance to it. There was a saying that originated from that dance, which went as follows:-

“Nwatakili ana akul egwu isugada ona agba, omara na egwu isugada bu egwummuo”? (The child that hears the music of the abia drum and begins to dance because it is sweet, does it not know that egwu isugada is a dance meant for the dead, which no human can dance to and live?).

Nsete N’uno: Twenty-eight days after the burial of an Oka man and after the second burial ceremonies had been performed for him, on a day called “boshi izu assa”, the final ceremony concerning the dead took place.

First thing in the morning of the 28th day, whoever was the Head of the family, went out and procure a bunch of palm fronds; he came back to the Obu or ancestral Hall of the family, and while the other family members looked on, he pointed the bunch of palm fronds in the direction of the east, and intoned:

“Nwokoye” (if the deceased’s name was Nwokoye),
You went away with the setting sun,
Now, come back with the rising sun!”

He then solemnly took the palm fronds into the Obu, and laid them down on the Ikpo Mmuo. An altar (uluchi) was then fashioned for the deceased from the wood of an ogilisi tree, giving it its own shape for ease of identification. Then a fowl was sacrificed on the altar for the deceased Nwokoye – for the first time. He had now become a god, one of the family gods. Thereafter, sacrifices to the family gods, and libations poured to them, included him.

The deceased Nwokoye had returned to the compound of his fathers, as a spirit and to his ancestral Hall, and had become a benign spirit. The ceremony was called “nseete n ‘uno”, meaning bringing back home the spirit of a deceased relative.

The above rules are but a sample of the laws and customs of the Oka people, called “Omenana Oka”, which made the Oka man, and to which he adhered; they guided and guarded his life from its beginning to its end.